HAFIZUR RAHMAN SHIMUL

Tagore’s death anniversary – homage AND a wish: could BANGLA/BENGALI be an official language of the UNITED NATIONS.

2009-08-06T02:19:00.000+01:00

On this the 67th death anniversary of the Nobel Laureate poet - the gigantic poet of the world, Rabindranath Tagore, millions of Bengali speaking people remember him with heartfelt respect and love. The legendary poet died on this day (Shraban 22 of the Bengali month) in the year 1941.

Tagore’s contribution in Bengali language as well as literature is endless. So Rabindranath will be read and respected wherever there is Bengali spoken people are staying. Many of his literature were written in Bangladesh territory in Shilaidaha and Sajadpur. Most importantly notable that one of his songs 'Amar Sonar Bangla, Ami Tomai Bhalobashi……' is the national anthem of Bangladesh. How many people know that Indian national anthem is another song of Tagore?

Bengali is the primary language spoken in Bangladesh and is the second most spoken language in India. Nearly 240 million people speak Bengali as their mother-tongue. Bengali is one of the most spoken languages (ranking fifth or sixth) in the world.

People, who speak in Bengali, had fought for their mother tongue and for the supreme sacrifices made by Bangalee people for establishment of their language, the United Nations announced February 21 as the International Mother Language Day.

Nobody can confine a language with borders. Establishing Bangla as an official language of UN with a view to introducing the language across the world would also pave the way of understanding Tagore’s heritage in its original Bengali language version.

Bangabandhu Murder Case Appeal Hearing Lingers On and On

2009-08-04T23:15:00.004+01:00

After the murder of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others no-one was allowed to file a case. The government of Khandker Mustaque Ahmed passed an ordinance in November 1975 indemnifying the perpetrators and closing the door on the possibility of a trial. The Awami League government revoked the indemnity ordinance in 1996 and cleared the way for that trial. After 21 years of the killing, the then president Sheikh Mujib's personal assistant Muhitul Islam on October 2, 1996 filed a case with Dhanmondi Police Station against 20 persons.

On November 8, 1998 Dhaka sessions judge Golam Rasul awarded death sentence to 15 of the 20 accused persons. Four jailed accused major (retd) Bazlul Huda, lt col (sacked) Syed Faruk Rahman, lt col (retd) Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan and lt col (red) Mohiuddin Ahmed appealed in the High Court against the trial court verdict.

On December 14, 2000 the High Court gave a split verdict in the case: Justice Md Ruhul Amin upheld death sentence of 10 accused but Justice ABM Khairul Haque upheld death sentence of 15 accused.

On April 30, 2001 Justice Mohammad Fazlul Karim of the High Court's third bench upheld death sentence of 12 accused persons and acquitted three.

Of the 12 death convicts, four jailed accused submitted leave to appeal in the Appellate Division. Another death convict, lancer AKM Mohiuddin, made an appeal from jail after he was deported from the United States. A special bench of the Appellate Division, comprising Justice Tafazzal Islam, Justice Md Joynul Abedin and Justice Md Hassan Ameen, on September 23, 2007 granted leave to appeal.

The court also asked them to file regular appeals for hearing by October 30, 2007.
But the Appellate Division could not take up the appeals for hearing as most of its judges when they were in High Court Division felt embarrassed during earlier hearings in the case. As a result, there was not enough number of judges in the Appellate Division to form a full bench for such appeal hearings.

Six judges of the High Court Division and the Appellate Division felt embarrassed to hear the case. At one point there were only five judges in the Appellate Division and at least three judges were required for hearing the appeal. But the present chief justice, MM Ruhul Amin, and Justice MA Matin had felt embarrassed to hear the case during their stint as High Court judges. The other judge, Mohammad Fazlul Karim, had given the verdict in the case as the third High Court judge. It means these three judges had to be counted out from the appeals hearing. Only Justice Tafazzal Islam and Justice Zainal Abedin could hear the appeal. Shah Abu Naim Mominur Rahman and Mohammad Abdul Aziz were later appointed to the Appellate Division.

Important legal questions are involved with this case. So a bigger bench with a greater number of judges should hear the appeal. Therefore President Zillur Rahman has appointed four new judges under article 94 (2) of the constitution to the Appellate Division.

The new judges are justice BK Das, ABM Khairul Haque, Mohammed Muzammel Hossain and Surendra Kumar Sinha. Their appointment will come into force from the day they are sworn in to office.

Seven other judges are of the Appellate division are chief justice MM Ruhul Amin, Mohammad Fazlul Karim, Mohammad Tafazzal Islam, Mohammad Jainul Abedin, Mohammad Abdul Matin, Shah Abu Naim Mominur Rahman and Mohammad Abdul Aziz.

Of those having received death sentence, Rashid, lt col Shariful Haq Dalim, lt col Noor, Risalder Moslemuddin, lt col Rashed Chowdhury and col Majed are absconding. Absconding accused Aziz Pasha died in Zimbabwe.

Resource: Online

Mongla Port back in business - Good News

2009-06-03T02:22:00.005+01:00

For the first time in the history of Mongla port a foreign vessel carrying the first consignment of 300 reconditioned cars imported from Japan will anchor at the port today. The unload of the 300 cars would be done within 24 hours of the arival of the ship. Mongla Port Authority will earn at least Tk 10 lakh in revenue.

Mongla Port to get back to life

2009-06-03T02:03:00.003+01:00

Shamim Ashraf Shelley from Khulna

The country’s second seaport Mongla is struggling to get back to life after years of lull due to the negligence and adverse decisions of the past governments.

A number of projects are either in the process of implementation or approval to give the port a new lease of life.

As the first step, the authorities have abolished ‘Dock Shramik Parichalana Board,’ a body seen by port users and employees as one of the major reasons that made the port almost a deserted place over the years.

The port was established in 1950 by the side of Passure river at Chalna area under Dacope upazila in Khulna district. Later in 1954, the port was shifted to Mongla area on around 2000 acres of land under Mongla upazila in Bagerhat district. With a workforce of about 1400, the port has the capacity of handling 65 lakh metric tonnes of goods annually. But only 10 lakh MTs of goods were handled on an average in last few years as the number of ship arrivals dipped to its lowest.

Port officials, workers and users point the finger at infrastructure problems, poor navigability and inefficient handling of goods with obsolete machines that led to drastic fall in ship arrivals over the years.

All the dredging works were completely stopped since 2001 in the port’s channel. As a result, parts of the outer bar channel – about 47 km long from Hiron Point to Fairway Boya — were silted up, preventing the ships from sailing towards the port smoothly. Records show that a number of ships capsized or ran aground in the outer bar channel in last few years.

Besides, about 20 kilometers of the 80-km channel from Hiron Point to Mongla Port have become too narrow and shallow to be navigable. Preserving the depth and width of the channel is badly needed to keep the port active.

Port officials said no money was allocated for dredging since 2001 as the importance of the country’s second seaport was largely ignored during the period of the BNP government. No allocations were there to replace the loading and unloading tools like loader, heavy crane, fork lift, heavy lift, monkey crane, straddle carrier, which expired their economic life long ago. The port could utilize only one-sixth of its handling capacity as shipping lines gradually lost their interest to use the port for external trade.

Vessel arrivals came down to less than a third last year compared to the level of 10 years’ back.

Port records show 355 vessels arrived at the Mongla Port in the 1997-98 fiscal year, while the number dipped to 95 in 2007-08.

FOR CHART

1997- 98, 1998-99, 1999-2000, 2000- 01, 2001- 02, 2002- 03, 2003-04, 2004-05, 2005-06, 2006-07, 2007- 08 fiscal years 355, 381, 330, 313, 268, 207, 170, 142, 131, 110 and 95

The first six months of the 2008-09 fiscal year showed some signs of improvement as 65 ships came to the port during the period.

Labourers of the port said absence of dredging work in the channel, unusually long time and excessive workforce required for loading and unloading of goods due to use of outdated handling equipment, and huge irregularity and corruption in employing and managing labourers are the main reasons behind the declining interest of port users about Mongla Port.

They also alleged that the policies of the past 2001-06 BNP government were unfriendly and even hostile in some cases to Mongla Port.

Vice-president of Mongla Port Labourers’ Association Omor Faruk Sentu says the port has been pushed to the verge of destruction as no infrastructure development took place after 2001. The authorities’ negligence to procure efficient equipment to replace the worn-out handling tools and keep the channel navigable has rendered the port almost idle despite its tremendous potentials to serve as a gateway to the world not only for the country, but also for land-locked Nepal.

The port urgently needs capital hopper dredger, some modern equipment, a fuel depot of Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation and a silo for food grains at Joymoni, he lists.

The labour leader alleges that despite the government’s assurance of using the Mongla Port for channeling 40 percent of official import of food grains and fertilizers, only about 5 percent of the imports were made through this port.

The port could be more vibrant than now if the government could use the port as pledged, he believes.

Sentu accuses the BNP-led government of discriminating against Mongla Port in terms of fuel and fresh water supplies to foreign ships. “Many conditions are imposed on the Mongla Port which are not applicable for the Chittagong Port. This discrimination must end to save the port.”

Mongla Port Ship Chandlers’ Association president HM Dulal says the discriminator policy has driven foreign ships away from Mongla Port.

As per the government rule for Mongla Port, any foreign ship has to pay $1205 per tonne (1186 litres) of fuel (diesel) and $7 per tonne of fresh water, while the rate is $800 and $1.5 to $2 for Chittagong Port.

“Moreover, ships anchored at Mongla Port need to collect permissions and customs clearance for required supplies of fuel and water, causing lot of hassles and waste of time,” Dulal adds.

Labourers and their leaders, port officials and users say that the abolition of ‘Mongla Port Dock Shramik Parichalana Board’ will ease the process of Mongla Port revival. Cost of loading and unloading goods at the port has reduced to two-thirds of the previous level as the handling work now requires less labourers and time.

General secretary of Mongla Port Stevedores’ Association SM Zahid Hossain stresses the need for maintaining at least 9 metres’ depth between fairway boya and Mongla Port of the port channel to keep the port active.

Khulna Chamber of Commerce and Industry president Shaharuzzaman Mortuza demands immediate dredging activities in the channel and modernization of the port services to make port operational and spur the development of southwestern region of the country.

Mongla Port member (operations) M Lutfur Rahman acknowledges the limitations of the port. He singles out the lack of dredging work that led to abrupt fall in number of foreign vessel arrivals in last few years. He also shares the views that different policy for fuel and water supply also discouraged foreign ships.

The port official elaborates on the projects undertaken for development and modernization of the port. The ongoing projects are: Outer bar channel dredging of Passure channel worth Tk 58 crore, procurement of cargo handling equipment worth Tk 23 crore, navigational aid to Mongla Port worth Tk 23 crore and rehabilitation and reconstruction of infrastructure and other facilities damaged by Sidr worth about Tk 7.5 crore.

The projects that are in the process of approval are procurement of cutter suction dredger worth Tk 58 crore and procurement of pilot boat and pilot dispatch boat worth Tk 24.70 crore.

Two other projects requiring foreign funds are Tk 548 crore project for improvement and development of navigability of Passure Channel and a Tk 7.5 crore project to study the feasibility of Mongla Port improvement.

The port official believes that ship arrival will increase as the projects are being implemented. Bangladesh Reconditioned Vehicles Importers and Dealers Association has expressed its interest in using Mongla Port for vehicle imports as the port’s sheds can accommodate 3500 cars at a time and have the arrangements to increase the storage capacity, if needed. Car importers face acute storage crisis at the Chittagong Port, where hundreds of imported vehicles are often found kept in the open.

The Chittagong Custom House authorities on April 8 auctioned 304 luxury vehicles stuffed in Chittagong Port sheds for long, custom officials said. The vehicles included sedan cars, Pajero and Prado jeeps priced between Tk 20 lakh and 40 lakh. Customs and port officials said they were forced to go for the auction as importers were delaying deliveries and using the port sheds as their garage. Importers are allowed to keep vehicles at sheds for 30 days.

More than 4,000 imported vehicles were lying in the port sheds, causing space constraint. Mongla Port authorities say they have enough space for imported cars and hope car importers will now take interest about using the second port.
Tuesday June 2nd 2009
Business Report

Potential of Mongla Port

2009-06-03T01:53:00.003+01:00

Potential of Mongla Port
________________________

Syed Shahid Hossain

THE Mongla Sea Port is situated in the southwestern parts of Bangladesh. The previous name of this port was 'Chalna Port' but the place now has too shallow water and subsequently had to go further down to keep its navigability. The present place where the vessels berth is known as Mongla. During the Pakistan period this was an ideal anchorage port and, due to its advantageous position of having more than 17 jute mills located in Khulna and Jessore belt, was the busiest port of export of mainly jute and jute goods.

During that period, on average around 25/30 break bulk vessels usually called in the Mongla Port. But after liberation due to various kinds of vessels sinking, the port navigability has been affected as the wreckage of the sunken vessels could not be salvaged fully. Even after independence this port had handled different kinds of bulk cargo vessels like cement, fertilisers and wheat. Around 15 to 20 vessels used to anchor at this port per month .

With the introduction of Mongla Port Permanent Jetty, this port started handling on an average four to six feeder vessels per month for transhipment of cargo to Singapore and Colombo as well.

It is regrettable that during these 38 years of independence, though government has earned quite a substantial amount of money from this particular port, no development programme had been taken to keep it alive.

After independence, in addition to jute mills, a new export commodity has been added to the list of export items in Khulna -- shrimps. There are around 17-20 shrimps factories situated in and around Khulna -- Mongla highway. Khulna has become one of the biggest shrimps exporters of our country. These factories exports around 1000 container per year to USA, Europe and the Far East. But now this industrial city and port is limping in all respects with the deterioration of Mongla port, resulting in many workers and labourers losing their jobs.

The so-called Mongla EPZ has also been affected for not having adequate infrastructure facilities and also for want of gas supply. As we all know, energy has become a vital part of our day-to-day life and the Mongla EPZ will not attract foreign investors if we can't ensure gas supply to this region.

At one time, big break bulk vessels from the USA, Canada, Germany, France, Singapore and Japan had called at this port as it had discharging facilities on both sides of the vessels. The vessels were able to anchor at this port. Government comes and government goes but what we have seen is that the fate of the Mongla Port remains unchanged. Due to heavy siltation, the present river draught alongside the port jetty has come down to six meters from earlier 7.5 metres. Dredging is needed in the channels of the Mongla Port, specially the river Pussur, which is the main thoroughfare for vessels in and out of this port.

Now due to poor and shallow navigability, very few feeder vessels call at the Mongla Port. The foreign owners of these vessels however are too scared about their feeder vessels touching the river bed which may cause damage to their ships' bottom.

With the change of government many commitments were made to purchase a permanent dredger for the Mongla Port Authority. This would save foreign currency as well as make possible regular dredging to keep the channel and port navigable round the year. This decision was shelved by different ministries for years together and has never seen the light.

On the other hand, vessel owners are very reluctant to call at Mongla with their imports, being afraid of damaging their feeder vessels/break bulk vessels. We see the Chittagong Port has no space to keep cars yet we cannot divert these vessels to the Mongla Port because their desired draught is not available here. Another advantage of this port is that the world's biggest mangrove forest, called "The Sunderbans", is situated close to this port but we can't attract foreign tourists due to inadequate facilities like modern cruising boats, hotels, motels and security arrangements.

With the development of the Mongla Port, the government can also earn a huge amount of foreign currency if they can develop the port by dredging the port and build infrastructure facilities like that of the Chittagong Port. With the construction of "The Padma Multipurpose Bridge Project," access to the Mongla Port from the capital city of Dhaka will be only four hours' journey by road. It will be closer from the Chittagong Port.

We would like to request the proper authority to give priority to make this port effective by purchasing a dredger immediately and to revitalise so that it can run side by side like the Chittagong Port. At least 50 per cent of our total imports can be handled at this port. We talk about inviting Nepal and Kolkata to use this port but honestly speaking it is a far cry as in no way will India want to reduce their foreign earning by using our port.

We hope that a master plan for improvement of Mongla Port should be taken immediately and accordingly a foreign consultant should be appointed to prepare a long term plan for the use of this port. Before the completion of "The Padma Multipurpose Bridge Project", the port should be able to increase its draught, the channels, buoys and berthing facilities alongwith other equipment necessary to run it smoothly.

If these conditions are fulfilled, the Mongla Port can fully utilise its five permanent jetties and can earn a substantial amount of revenue for the government. We hope the ministries concerned would all come forward to save this port and mitigate the unemployment problem faced by the people in and around it.
Saturday May 23 2009
The Financial Express

little history of Gandhi's education, his Non-violence lesson and life in South Africa.

2009-05-22T09:51:00.001+01:00

With respect to all, I love to share a little history of Gandhi's education, his Non-violence lesson and life in South Africa.

Education:
Gandhi attended Primary School at Porbandar. He joined High School at Rajkot. He was liked by the teachers and often received prizes. He passed the matriculation examination in 1887. He passed the matriculation exam from Samaldas College at Bhavnagar. On 4 September 1888, Gandhi traveled to London, England, to study law at University College London and to train as a barrister. He became as a Barrister, Inner Temple, London.

Non-violence lesson:
Gandhi was devoted to his father and considered it his duty to nurse him during his illness. In the High-School, he made friends with one Sheikh Mehtab, a bad character. He stuck to the friendship despite warnings from family-members. He wanted to reform Mehtab but failed. Mehtab induced him to meat-eating, saying that it made one strong and that the British were ruling India because they were meat-eaters. Gandhi was frail and used to be afraid even to go out alone in the dark. The argument appealed to him. Later, he realized that lying to his parents was worse than not eating meat, and abandoned the experiment. Mehtab once sent him to a brothel, but God’s grace saved him. He induced Gandhi to smoking. This once led to stealing. But all this became unbearable for Gandhi. He confessed his guilt to his father, who did not rebuke him but wept silently. Those tears cleaned Gandhi’s heart and taught him a lesson in nonviolence.

Gandhi in South Africa:
Gandhi returned to India as a Barrister. A South African firm Dada Abdulla and Co. asked for his assistance in a case. Gandhi eagerly agreed and sailed for South Africa in April 1893.

Problems of Indians in South Africa:
The small Indian community in South Africa was facing many problems at that time. It consisted mainly of indentured labourers and traders. The indentured labourers were taken there by the European landlords as there was acute labour shortage in South Africa. The condition of these labourers was like slaves. During 1860-1890 around 40,000 labourers were sent from India. Many of them settled there after their agreement periods were completed and started farming or business. The Europeans did not like it. They did not want free Indians in South Africa. They also found it difficult to face competition from Indian traders. Therefore the White Rulers imposed many restrictions and heavy taxes on the Indians. They were not given citizenship rights, like right to vote. They were treated like dirt and constantly humiliated. All Indians were called ‘coolies’. The newspapers carried out the propaganda that the Indians were dirty and uncivilized. The Indians could not travel in the railways and could not enter hotels meant for Europeans. They were hated and radically discriminated in all matters by the dominant White community.

Gandhi fights racial discrimination:
Right since his arrival, Gandhi began to feel the pinch of racial discrimination in South Africa. Indian community was ignorant and divided and therefore unable to fight it. In connection with his case, Gandhi had to travel to Pretoria. He was travelling in the first class, but a White passenger and railway officials asked him to leave the first class compartment. Gandhi refused, whereupon he was thrown out along with his luggage on the platform of Maritzburg station. It was a severely cold night. Gandhi spent the night shivering and thinking furiously. He ultimately made up his mind to stay in South Africa, fight the racial discrimination and suffer hardships. It was a historic decision. It transformed Gandhi.
He had also to travel some distance by a stage-coach. During this travel also, he was insulted and beaten. On reaching Pretoria, Gandhi called a meeting of the local Indians. There he learnt a lot about the condition of Indians. It was there that he made his first Public Speech and suggested formation of an association. He offered his services for the cause. Gandhi later settled the case, for which he had come, through arbitration. He then decided to return home. But at the farewell party, he came to know about a bill to restrict Indian franchise. Gandhi thought that it had grave implications. The people then pressed him to stay for some time. He agreed.
Gandhi’s first major fight had started. He addressed meetings petitioned to the legislative assembly, conducted a signature campaign. He also started regular legal practice there and soon became a successful and leading Lawyer. For sustained agitations, a permanent organisation was needed and the Natal Indian Congress was born. Illiterate indentured labourers also joined the struggle. A proposed tax on them was fought and got abolished after a fierce battle.
Source:online

Full observation of High Court on Fifth Amendment

2009-05-08T04:49:00.002+01:00

The High Court made 22-point observations in its historical verdict that declared the fifth amendment to the constitution illegal. The Daily Star was provided with the observations by A Hossain and Associates, the counsel firm of the petitioners.

1. Constitution of Bangladesh is the embodiment of the will of the people of the Republic of Bangladesh.
2. Constitution is the supreme law and all other laws and actions must confirm to it.

3. Any law or action made in violation of the constitution is void.
4. All functionaries of the republic owe its existence to the Constitution.
5. The legislature, the executive and the judiciary are the three pillars of the republic, created by the constitution, as such, are bound by its provisions.
6. Likewise, the defence services, the civil services and all other services of the republic owe its existence to the constitution and must obey its commands.
7. Proclamation of emergency can only be made by the president of the republic on the advice of the prime minister, in case of imminent danger to the security of the republic.
8. No person can declare martial law; if any body does, he will be liable for high treason against the republic.
9. Constitution stipulates a democratic republic, run by the elected representatives of the people of Bangladesh but any attempt by any person or group of persons, how high so ever, to usurp an elected government, shall render them liable for high treason.
10. The taking over of powers of the Government of People's Republic of Bangladesh with effect from the morning of August 15, 1975 by Khandaker Mustaque Ahmed, an usurper, placing Bangladesh under martial law and his assumption of the office of the president of Bangladesh on August 20, 1975, were in clear violation of the constitution, as such, illegal, without lawful authority and without jurisdiction, consequently all his subsequent actions as the president of Bangladesh were illegitimate and void.
11. The making over of the office of president of Bangladesh, in favour of Justice Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem, on November 6, 1975, was beyond the ambit of the constitution.
12. The taking over of the office of president of Bangladesh and his such entering in the said office on November 6, 1975, by Justice Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem and his assumption of the chief martial law administrator and appointment of the deputy chief martial law administrators and the proclamation of November 8, 1975, were all in violation of the constitution, as such, all his subsequent functions and actions as such president and or the chief martial law administrator were illegitimate.
13. The handing over of the office of martial law administrator to Major General Ziaur Rahman BU, PSC, by the aforesaid Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem by the Third Proclamation on November 29, 1976, enabling the said Major General Ziaur Rahman to exercise all the powers of the chief martial law administrator being beyond the ambit of the constitution, was illegal, without lawful authority and without jurisdiction. Consequently, all his subsequent functions and actions as such (chief martial law administrator were illegitimate.
14. The nomination of Major General Ziaur Rahman, BU, to become the president of Bangladesh by Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem, the nominated president of Bangladesh, on April 21, 1977, and also the handing over of the office of president to him, being beyond the ambit of the constitution, was illegal, without lawful authority and without jurisdiction.
15. The assumption of office of the president of Bangladesh by Major General Ziaur Rahman, BU, on April 21, 1977, on nomination being beyond the ambit of the constitution was illegal, without any lawful authority. Consequently, all his subsequent functions and actions as such president of Bangladesh, without lawful authority and without Jurisdiction.
16. Since addition of Paragraph 3A to the fourth schedule to the constitution by the Proclamations (Amendment) Order 1977 (Proclamations Order No. 1 of 1977) dated April 23, 1977, and as amended by the Second Proclamation Order No. IV of 1978, was made by a usurper and a nominated president, the Paragraph 3A to the fourth schedule is illegal, void…in the eye of law.
17. The Referendum Order, 1977 (Martial Law Order No 1 of 1977) published on May 1, 1977, unknown to the constitution, being made only to ascertain the confidence of the people of Bangladesh in one person, namely, Major General Ziaur Rahman, BU.
18. Since Paragraph 18 to the fourth schedule (Transitional Provisions) of the constitution precluded judicial review defying and undermining the supremacy of the constitution, this provision is unconstitutional being beyond the power of parliament under Article 142 of the constitution.
19. MLRs including the MLR VII of 1977 are also illegal.
20. Violation of the constitution is a grave legal wrong and remains so for all time to come. It cannot be legitimised and shall remain illegitimate forever, however, on the necessity of the state only, such a legal wrong can be condoned in certain circumstances, invoking the doctrine of Salus Populiest suprema lex.
21. Condonation of certain acts and provisions has been made as stated above but such condonations are made not because those are legal but only in the interest of the republic, those shall remain illegitimate forever.
22. Condonations of provisions were made, among others, in respect of provisions, deleting the different provisions of Fourth Amendment. Condonation of provisions were also made in respect of the words "Bismillah-hir-Rahmanir Rahim" but the provision deleting the original four fundamental principles of the republic as enshrined in the original constitution was not condoned.
The Daily Star
Thu. September 01, 2005

BANGLADESH AND BENGALI PEOPLE

2009-05-06T02:39:00.002+01:00

Bangladesh came to today's shape through a long history of political evolution.
With their ethnic and linguistic identity, their own customs and literature, the whole of Bengal was united. Bengal was probably the wealthiest part of the subcontinent up till the 16th century. The Bengali people have always fought to preserve their own identity and freedom. The great liberation war of 1971 is not a mere single fact, but one of the many historic facts, the final out-come of a long-lasting struggle for freedom.

The high ideals which inspired our heroic people to dedicate them to, and our brave martyrs to sacrifice their lives in the historic struggle for national liberation, and for an independent-sovereign People’s Republic of Bangladesh, were Nationalism, Socialism, Democracy and Secularism.

It was the Bengali PEOPLE, irrespective of their race, cast, class, gender, religion and status, struggled as one nation to uphold the ultimate goal of our historic liberation. Every one had played their individual part to accomplish the mission. There was a grater unity among the people than we have now. Indeed, there had always been some recognised traitors in our national history; some of them are still active, some of them have passed away.

To honour and to reach the destination of true aspiration of the great liberation war, it shall be a fundamental aim of the State to realise through the democratic process a socialist society, free from exploitation - a society in which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political, economic and social, will be secured for all citizens.

On this day we can achieve these goals by the elimination of: communalism in all forms; the granting by the state of political status in favour of any religion; the abuse of religion for political purposes; and any discrimination against, or persecution of persons practicing a particular religion.

Einstein and Rabi-Tagore: A tribute to Rabindranath Tagore on his 148th birth anniversary (Baishakh 25)

2009-05-04T02:41:00.005+01:00

Excerpts from Rasoul Sorkhabi’s historical notes – ‘Einstein and Indian minds: Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru’. (Edited and published by P. Balaram, Current Science Association, Bangalore. Printed at Lotus Printers, Bangalore.)

In reading Albert Einstein’s biographies, I noticed that he had connections withthree great Indian minds of the early twentieth century: Rabindranath Tagore(1861–1941), Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948) and Jawaharlal Nehru(1889–1964).

Of course, Einstein as well as these three Indian leaders were famous in their lifetimes, so these connections should not come as a surprise. But my interest in this topic grew as I wondered what drew these great minds together. Einstein was not the type of person to be attracted to the exotic East for shallow sentimental reasons. This article chronicles Einstein’s connections with these three men, and shows how Einstein saw some of his ideas and ideals in the Indian mind embodied, to varying degrees, in Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru. Of all Einstein’s biographers, Abraham Pais has paid more attention to his Indian connections.

While, in writing this historical essay, I have benefited from Pais’ research, I have also added information and ideas using other sources. This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of Einstein’s death. This article is offered as homage to these four intellectual giants, and as a way of remembering some aspects of their lives and thoughts. However, the importance of this topic goes beyond this annual occasion because the first half of the twentieth century, during which these gentlemen lived, was devastated by two world wars, and as we are in the early years of a new century and as the world is still immersed in prejudice and violence, these great minds are quite relevant to our times and to our generation.

Einstein and ‘Rabbi’ Tagore

Einstein (born in 1879) was eighteen years younger than Tagore. Tagore won the Nobel Prize in literature in 1913; Einstein won the Nobel Prize in physics in 1922.
Einstein used to refer to Rabindranath Tagore as Rabbi Tagore. The first time they met each other was in Germany shortly before World War I. In 1912, Tagore visited Europe. His reminiscences of meeting with Einstein were published much later.

Tagore remarked: Einstein has often been called a lonely man. Insofar as the realm of the mathematical vision helps to liberate the mind from the crowded trivialities of daily, I suppose he is a lonely man. He is what might be called a transcendental materialism, which reaches the frontier of metaphysics, where there can be utter detachment from the entangling world of self. To me both science and art are expressions of our spiritual nature, above our biological necessities and possessed of an ultimate value . . . . Einstein is an excellent interrogator. We talked long and earnestly about my ‘religion of man’. He punctuated my thoughts with terse remarks of his own, and by his questions I could measure the trend of his own thinking.

During their discussion, an important difference of opinion between Tagore and Einstein revolved over whether there was truth in the world independent from human
mind.

Tagore argues that ‘the truth of the Universe is human truth . . . when our universe is in harmony with man, the eternal, we know it as truth, we feel it as beauty.’ Einstein replies: ‘I agree with regard to this conception of Beauty, but not with regard to Truth.’ Tagore insists that ‘truth is realized through man’. Einstein illustrates his point of view: ‘For instance, if nobody is in this house, yet that table remains where it is.’ To which Tagore replies: ‘Yes, it remains outside of the individual mind but not the universal mind. The table which I perceive is perceptible only by the same kind of consciousness which I possess.’ In his article, Tagore summarizes their discussion:‘I could see that Einstein held fast to the extra-human aspect of truth. But it is evident to me that, in human reason, facts assume a unity of truth which is only possible to a human mind.’ Einstein continued to believe in extrahuman existence of truth and even coined the term ‘objective reality’ to highlight his belief. The relation of truth to human mind seems to have occupied Einstein for decades. Pais remembers that in 1950 while accompanying Einstein on a walk from Princeton University to his home, Einstein ‘suddenly stopped, turned to me, and asked me if I really believed that the moon exists only if I look at it.’

The discussion between Einstein and Tagore is closely related to the ‘anthropic principle’ later developed in physics and cosmology even though it has escaped the attention of many authors.

In 1929, Tagore sent a postcard (dated 22 December) to Einstein from India: ‘My salutation is to him who knows me imperfect and loves me. My best wishes.’ It is not clear what the occasion was for sending this postcard; it may have been for new year’s greetings.

The second Einstein–Tagore meeting took place on 14 July 1930 at Einstein’s summer house in Caputh near Berlin. This dialogue was written down by a friend
who was present, and has been published both in India and in the USA. Most of their talks were about music. Einstein was not apparently happy with the second dialogue and wished that it had not been published.

On 30 September 1930, Romain Rolland wrote to Einstein asking him for a contribution to a book to be presented to Tagore on the occasion of his 70th birthday the following May. Einstein replied on 10 October 1930: I shall be glad to sign your beautiful text and to add a brief contribution. My conversation with Tagore was rather unsuccessful because of difficulties in communication and should, of course, never have been published. In my contribution, I should like to give expression to my conviction that men who enjoy the reputation of great intellectual achievement have an obligation to lend moral support to the principle of unconditional refusal of war service. Interestingly, two days after this letter, a manifesto was released by Einstein, Tagore and Rolland, appealing against conscription and the military training of youth.

The Golden Book of Tagore came out in 1931, and its preface was signed by Einstein, Gandhi and Rolland. Einstein’s contribution to the book reads: You are aware of the struggle of creatures that spring forth out of need and dark desires. You seek salvation in quiet contemplation and in the workings of beauty. Nursing these you have served mankind by a long, fruitful life, spreading a mild spirit, as has been proclaimed by the wise men of your people.

In May 1931, Tagore sent a postcard, written in Bengali and English, to Einstein thanking him for his tribute: ‘The same sun is newly born in new lands, in a ring of endless dawns.’

The third (and probably the last)Einstein–Tagore meeting took place on 14 December 1930 during Einstein’s one week visit to New York. No record of this meeting was ever published. We have the following telegram sent by Einstein aboard ship to Tagore: ‘I congratulate you from my heart with your meeting. May it be given to Tagore also on this occasion to work successfully in the service of his ideal to bringing nations together.’

In 1932, when Tagore was visiting Tehran, an Iranian mathematician asked his opinion about Einstein. This is what Tagore said: In addition to his reputation in mathematics and science, he is a good and kind man who has withdrawn himself from the world and its superficialities. He is devoted to humanity and peace. He is a sincere supporter of peace and has pledged his life to this cause. In his speeches in America he has expounded the harm of war and the benefits of peace. He is indeed a great man. He is in no way fanatic about race, and looks upon all peoples as equal. Einstein is the greatest thinker of this age.

More about Rabindranath Tagore-
http://sos-arsenic.net/lovingbengal/poems.html#1
http://search.nobelprize.org/search/nobel/?q=rabindranath+tagore&i=en
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rabindranath_Tagore
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The drama of Moon Cinema continues - The HC verdict of 2005

2009-05-04T00:43:00.001+01:00

The High Court on August 29, 2005 declared the fifth amendment to the constitution illegal, meaning the rules of Khandker Mushtaque Ahmed, Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem and Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman from August 15, 1975 to April 9, 1979 were unlawful.

The verdict came upon a decades-old writ petition that challenged the Martial Law Regulation (MLR) 7 of 1977, issued to legalise all illegal acts of the martial law government prior to that time.

The HC observed that martial law as a whole is illegal and unconstitutional and all the actions, laws, and rules made under martial law are illegal. The changes of governments between August 15, 1975 and the national elections of 1991 were not carried out constitutionally.

The HC bench of Justice ABM Khairul Haque and Justice ATM Fazle Kabir also said the constitution does not permit anyone to assume power by any means other than the ones mentioned in it. If anyone does so, it will amount to sedition.

The court, however, noted that although all government activities between August 15, 1975 and April 9, 1979 have been declared illegal, the history cannot be altered. Many of these illegal acts were done in the public interest. From this perspective, the court condones some of these actions that could have been done in line with the constitution.

The bench said Khandker Mushtaque Ahmed's assuming power with effect from the morning of 15th August, 1975 placing Bangladesh under martial law and his taking of office of the president of the country by the Proclamation of August 20, 1975 were in clear violation of the constitution and done without lawful authority.

"All his subsequent actions as the president were illegitimate and void," it observed.

Justice Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem's taking over office of the president on November 6, 1975 and his assumption of the powers of chief martial law administrator (CMLA) and appointing deputy CMLA (Ziaur Rahman) and the Proclamation of November 8, 1975 were all in violation of the constitution, which means all his functions and actions as the president or CMLA were illegitimate, the court observed in the verdict.

"Being beyond the ambit of the constitution, the handing over of the martial law authority's office to Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman by Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem by Third Proclamation on November 29, 1976, enabling the latter to exercise the powers of CMLA, was illegal and done without lawful authority. And it means subsequent functions and actions as CMLA were illegal and illegitimate," the bench announced.

Ziaur Rahman's becoming president on April 21, 1977 was also illegal, it added.

After passing of the court order petitioner's counsel ABM Siddiqur Rahman Khan said, "Some of the areas that the court condones are closed-transactions. For instance, incorporation of Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim or resting trust on the Almighty Allah in the fifth amendment do not fall under the purview of illegality since the court feels that these could also have been done constitutionally."

With the pronouncement of the verdict, paragraph 3(a)1 of the fourth schedule of the constitution became illegal. The paragraph says, "The Proclamations of the 20th August, 1975, and 8th November, 1975, and Third Proclamation of the 29th November, 1976, and all other Proclamations and Orders amending or supplementing them, hereinafter in this paragraph collectively referred to as the said Proclamations and all Martial Law Regulations, Martial Law Orders and all other laws made during the period between the 15th day of August, 1975 and the date of revocation of the said Proclamations and withdrawal of Martial Law (both days inclusive), hereinafter in this paragraph referred to as the said period, shall be deemed to have been validly made and shall not be called in question in or before any Court or Tribunal on any ground whatsoever."

Paragraph 18 of the fourth schedule too became illegal. It says, "All Proclamations, Proclamation Orders, Marital Law Regulations, Martial Law Orders and other laws made during the period between the 15th August, 1975, and the 9th April, 1979 (both days inclusive), all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions and omissions made in this Constitution during the said period by any such Proclamation, all orders made, acts and things done, and actions and proceedings taken, or purported to have been made, done or taken, by any person or authority during the said period in exercise of the powers derived or purported to have been derived from any such Proclamation, Martial Law Regulation, Marital Law Order or any other law, or in execution of or in compliance with any order made or sentence passed by any court, tribunal or authority in the exercise or purported exercise of such powers, are hereby ratified and confirmed and are declared to have been validly made, done or taken and shall not be called in question in or before any court, tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever."

The verdict came in response to the writ petition filed by Masudul Alam on behalf of Bangladesh Italian Marble Works Company (BIMWC) to reclaim a cinema hall at Waizghat in Dhaka that the company lost during the military rule.

The BIMWC owned the Moon Cinema Hall at Waizghat. But after the independence, the cinema hall was declared abandoned and the government handed it over to the Muktijoddha Kalyan Trust. The marble company filed a writ petition in 1976, staking its claim on the theatre. In 1977, the HC asked the government to hand over the hall to the company. However, the MLR 7 negated the HC order, making the cinema hall continue to be an abandoned property.

In 1994, the BIMWC again filed a writ petition. But the HC and later the Appellate Division said that since the fifth amendment has validated the MLR 7, the company cannot claim ownership of the property.

In 2000, the BIMWC moved against the validity of MLR 7. The implications of the petition have turned out to be far-reaching as it hits a wide area of unconstitutional and undemocratic power transfers during the volatile mid-'70s.

While passing the judgment, the HC made a number of observations. It said actions, such as military law and military proclamation by anyone who has come to power unconstitutionally, would be considered illegal as unconstitutional actions can never be validated.

The constitution must take precedence over everything under any circumstances as it reflects the will of the people. Parliament, judiciary, administration, defence and everything else must remain accountable to the constitution.

In another observation, the HC bench said if the state declares a state of emergency, it must follow the constitution. Only the president can declare emergency in accordance with the constitutional provisions.

Monday, May 4, 2009
The Daily Star

Secularism--one of the four principles of the state to be restored in the constitution

2009-05-03T23:10:00.007+01:00

5th Amendment Illegal
_____________________
Govt seeks withdrawal of appeal against HC verdict
___________________________________________________
The attorney general's office yesterday prayed to the Supreme Court for withdrawing the pending leave-to-appeal petitions against the High Court judgment that had declared illegal the fifth amendment to the constitution which endorses late president Ziaur Rahman's takeover and all acts since August 15, 1975.

Attorney General Mahbubey Alam made the prayer on behalf of the government while Additional Attorney General M Enayetur Rahim moved a similar prayer on behalf of Bangladesh Muktijoddha Kalyan Trust.

The BNP-Jamaat coalition government and Bangladesh Muktijoddha Kalyan Trust had filed two separate leave-to-appeal petitions with the SC against the HC verdict, which came on August 29, 2005 following a writ petition filed by Bangladesh Italian Marble Works Company (BIMWC).

Meanwhile, BNP Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain yesterday filed an application with the apex court to make him an intervener of this case so that he can run an appeal with the court against the HC verdict.

The seven-member full bench of the Appellate Division, headed by Chief Justice MM Ruhul Amin, held hearing on the question whether Khandaker Delwar can be made an intervener of this case after withdrawal prayers have been filed. The SC will hold further hearing on the issue today.

Attorney General Mahbubey Alam told the court that the present government has decided not to proceed with the leave-to-appeal petitions against the HC verdict as it believes that the HC judgment, which was delivered on facts, documents and correct information, was correct, legal and justified.

He told reporters at his office that if the HC verdict is upheld following their withdrawal prayers, secularism--one of the four principles of the state--will automatically be restored in the constitution.

He, however, said incorporation of Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim or resting trust on the Almighty Allah in the preamble of the constitution will remain upheld since the HC in its judgment had not objected to incorporation of these in the fifth amendment to the constitution.

If the HC verdict is kept valid, nobody will dare to illegally occupy state power in the future, he said.

The top law officer of the state said a certain quarter has been trying to mislead the people by saying that Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim will not remain in the constitution if the HC verdict is upheld.

A few BNP lawyers have moved an application with the SC aimed at allowing BNP Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain to serve this purpose, he said, urging all to remain cautious about their moves.

Earlier yesterday, barrister Ajmalul Hossain, counsel for the writ petitioner, argued before the SC that the nation has been hijacked every time military has ruled the country.

He said after the prayer for withdrawing the leave-to-appeal petitions, none can pray to the court to be an intervener of the case.

Advocate TH Khan and barrister Moudud Ahmed, counsels for Delwar, told the court yesterday that if the HC verdict is upheld, the continuation of governments and their actions from August 15, 1975 to April 9, 1979 will be hampered and a serious constitutional vacuum will be created.

TH Khan said the SC has already settled all the disputes regarding the rules from August 15, 1975 to April 9, 1979 in its historic judgement of the eighth amendment case. After the Appellate Division's verdict, the HC had no authority to declare and cancel the fifth amendment to the constitution, he said.

He also said the fifth amendment to the constitution should be upheld for the continuation of the rules and actions of the then governments.

On August 29, 2005, the HC declared the fifth amendment to the constitution illegal, which meant the rules of Khandker Mushtaque Ahmed, Abu Sadaat Mohammad Sayem and Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman from August 15, 1975 to April 9, 1979 were unlawful.

The court passed the verdict in response to a writ petition filed by Masudul Alam on behalf of the BIMWC to reclaim a cinema hall at Waizghat in Dhaka it had lost during the martial law rule.

The BIMWC once owned the Moon Cinema Hall at Waizghat. After the independence, the cinema hall was announced abandoned and the government handed it over to the Muktijoddha Kalyan Trust.

Following a prayer from the then BNP-led government the Appellate Division stayed the HC verdict on September 1, 2005.

Monday, May 4, 2009
The Daily Star

Kakon Bibi - A Freedom Fighter

2009-05-03T05:45:00.014+01:00

Mushfique Wadud searches out Kakon Bibi, a Khasia woman and wife of a Pakistani soldier who helped the Mukti Bahini win over 20 battles until her eventual capture, torture, abandonment and poverty...

‘I won against Pakistan but lost to poverty’
____________________________________________

It is 1971. A secret midnight meeting is going on at Dowarapara Thana, Chhatak Upazilla of Sunamganj district. Silence and darkness permeate. The plan is to capture the enemy camp at Tengratilla. The Pakistani soldiers from this camp have been carrying out attacks on the Mukti Bahini for too long. But the Mukti Bahini commander has no information about the capacity or numbers of the enemy. Everyone at the meeting is tense. No one speaks. The long silence is broken by a woman.

'I will get you information about the Tengratilla camp,' she says. 'But how will you do that?' the commander asks her. She is the same woman who tends to the wounded freedom fighters. 'I will go there disguised as a beggar and collect information for you.'

She was successful in her task, and with her help, Mukti Bahini was able to capture Tengratilla camp.

That woman was Kakon Bibi. Like a professional spy, she would go out, sometimes as a beggar, sometimes a hawker, and sometimes a pedestrian, and collect information about the Pakistani camp's capacity. During the war of liberation, Dowarapara area was an important front for freedom fighters in Sylhet as the area was at the border. With the help of Kakon Bibi, the freedom fighters of this area defeated the Pakistani soldiers. Kakon Bibi provided strong support in 20 operations of Mukti Bahini in this area. In the East Banglabazaar fight, in the Dowarabazaar fight, the Tengratilla fight, the Roshlay fight, the Betigoan fight, the Kandigoan fight and the Mohabbatpur fight, Kakon Bibi was the main reason for Mukti Bahini's success. Kakon Bibi maintained contact with Sector Commander Mir Shawkat Ali and supplied important information to him.

'I knew that one bullet could easily end my life as I wandered as a beggar, but the Pakistan Army's inhumane activities stirred me to do what I did,' she says.

Kakon Bibi now lives in Lokhipur village, Dowarapara Thana in Sunamganj district. She is difficult to reach. After arriving in Sylhet, we had to go to Chhatok of Sunamganj district. From Chhatok we went to Dowarapara by boat and then by CNG auto-rickshaw. From there to Kakon Bibi's home in Lokhipur, there is no easy route. Part of the road was traversed by motorbike and the rest on foot. In a remote corner of the village of Lokhipur, Kakon Bibi's home is situated. She was homeless earlier until she got a tiny plot of land from the government. She lives in this house with her daughter, son-in-law and two grand-daughters.

We arrived at her house at around 4pm. She had not eaten lunch. 'It is no exception for me. Many a day I stay without having a single meal, as I have no son and my son-in-law is the only earning member of my family,' she says.

Known as 'Khasia Mukti beti'in this area, Kakon Bibi was born in Tripura, India. She belongs to the Khasia ethnic minority. She had an affair with a Bangladeshi, Shahed Ali. For him, she migrated to Bangladesh from India. At the same time she converted to Islam and took the name Nurjahan Begum. Kakon Bibi is her nickname. She then married Abdul Majid Khan, a Pakistani border security jawan. The rest of her family members remained in India. Even now her three brothers live in India, financially much better off than she.

'Her brothers wanted to take her to India but she refused to leave Bangladesh,' says Sokhina, Kakon Bibi's daughter. When asked why she did not go to India though she was living in poverty here, Kakon Bibi says 'I love Bangladesh. Though I was born in India, Bangladesh is my soul. I fought for Bangladesh and I will never leave this country.'

In 1971, when the war of independence started, Kakon Bibi could not get any news about her husband Abdul Majid Khan. She became anxious. In the meantime, she met some members of the Mukti Bahini. When she was asked to work for Mukti Bahini she agreed, thinking that she might find out her husband's whereabouts while visiting different places with them. Then she became a spy for the Mukti Bahini. Initially when she was asked why she came to the Pakistani camp, she told them that she was in search of her husband, Abdul Majid Khan. The Pakistani officials contacted other camps with the wireless network to ask whether there was a soldier by the name of Abdul Majid Khan and learned that Kakon Bibi was Majid Khan's wife. Then the Pakistani Army officials requested her to work for them. Kakon Bibi agreed, and did not demur when they asked her to find out about the Mukti Bahini. They gave her a document that would verify her mission with other Pakistani camps and said 'If Pakistani soldiers find you, they will help you when they see this document. But if you are caught by Mukti Bahini soldiers, you must eat this paper.'

'I told them that I would follow their instructions exactly. They trusted me,' Kakon Bibi says. She assured the Pakistani soldiers that she would work for and act as their spy on the Mukti Bahini, but even the written document helped her in her role of double agent. 'They thought I supported the Pakistani army as my husband was a Pakistani soldier, but I did the opposite,' she says.

Once she was caught, the Pakistani Army showed her no pity. 'The Pakistani soldiers tortured me by pressing white-hot iron into my flesh, all over my body. Till today, I can feel the burns,' she says.

When the war ended, her husband returned to Pakistan but did not take Kakon Bibi with him, as she was an ally of Mukti Bahini. To support herself financially, she started a grocery shop. She and her daughter spent days and nights in this shop. But within time she lost her shop due to lack of capital. Then she started to work on farming lands. When she could not manage her livelihood anymore, she started begging ' the same profession she had pretended to take up to help the Mukti Bahini. 'Finding no other way, I had to become a beggar. This is also my fight. A fight against poverty,' she says.

The brave woman who was so vital in freeing the country now leads a miserable life. 'I was successful in the fight against the Pakistan Army, but I failed in my fight against the poverty,'she says. 'Now I cannot even manage two meals a day.'

However, Kakon Bibi is not a beggar now - though perilously close to one. After the publication of a report on her begging status in some dailies, the government and some other organisations extended aid to her in 1997. But the help ended there. Now she is almost back to her begging life. According to her, as a freedom fighter she now receives Tk 5000 every six months from the government. This amount is not enough for her to live on. 'I do not have a son. My son-in-law is the only earning member of my family. He is a van driver. In this profession he does not get enough money to manage our five member family. So we are struggling to survive,' she says.

'Some days ago I went to the local Union Parishad Chairman Amirul's office to collect VGF card. He said 'Hey woman, get out of my office. You won't get anything from us' she says. 'I risked my life for this country, and now I must receive foul words like 'Get out' from Amirul,' she says with tears.

Kakon Bibi's daughter Sokhina says that some days ago the local Union Parishad chairman made a list of freedom fighters but Kakon Bibi was not on that list. 'When I asked why my mother is not on the list, the chairman Amirul told us 'You are the government's people. You won't get any help and won't be listed.' she says.

Independence Day will have many programmes and many people celebrating, but on that day, Kakon Bibi may not have a single meal. 'How much longer will I fight against poverty? At the age of 85 I want to live a peaceful life. I want to live a poverty-free life,' Kakon Bibi says.
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Read more about her in Bangla -
http://www.gunijan.org/GjProfDetails.php?GjProfId=184

The 1972 constitution and our national unity

2009-04-24T03:14:00.004+01:00

Even if we call the 1972 constitution a fruit of our national unity it gets better flavour, no doubt. Thanks for that. The great liberation war breaking all the class barriers in the society created great opportunity for a great national unity, but unfortunately country’s political luck was never great.

The concept I had in bringing the topic out on board was to highlight the fact that the 1972 constitution has been changed over the years in a manner that the Great National Unity and the Secular standard, we are talking about, in my view, no more exist.

We have even changed the Preamble of the constitution by which Secularism, one of the four fundamental principles of the constitution was omitted.

It was the first paragraph of the Preamble of the 1972 constitution: We, the people of Bangladesh, having proclaimed our Independence on the 26th day of March 1971 and through [a historic struggle for national liberation], established the independent, sovereign People’s Republic Bangladesh. Later the words “a historic war for national independence” were substituted.

‘Pleading that the high ideals of Nationalism, Socialism, Democracy and Secularism, which inspired our heroic people to dedicate themselves to, and our brave martyrs to sacrifice their lives in the historic struggle for national liberation, shall be the fundamental principles of our constitution’ – This was the second paragraph of the Preamble in [original] 1972 constitution.

The substituted second paragraph which is the present paragraph doesn’t have ‘secularism’, and instead ‘absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah’ was later incorporated.

Part II of the constitution which states the fundamental principles of state policy was changed as well. A new clause 1A in Article 8 was inserted which reads – ‘absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all actions’.

Articles 9 and 10 were substituted for the former articles 9 and 10.

Article 12 – ‘Secularism and freedom of religion’ as fundamental principles of state policy, in the 1972 constitution, was also omitted from the constitution. But was not replaced by a new article.Now we don’t have any Article 12 in our constitution. We have 11 and 13.

Article 12 of the constitution of 1972 contained provisions which strictly prohibited political party based on religion and banned the use of religion for materisalising any political interest. Unfortunately, these provisions were omitted from the constitution during the post 1975 period and the religion based politics started in the country.

Article 12 of the constitution stated that the principle of secularism shall be realized by the elimination of: Communalism in all forms; the granting by the state of political status in favour of any religion; the abuse of religion for political purposes; and any discrimination against, or persecution of persons practicing a particular religion.

Article 38, paragraph 2 of the 1972 constitution was also deleted, which stated: No person shall have the right to form or be a member or otherwise take part in the activities of, any communal or other association or union, which in the name or on the basis of any religion has for its object, or pursues a political purpose.

Further, we have inserted a new Article 2A, which reads – ‘the state religion of the Republic is Islam, but other religions may be practised in peace and harmony in the Republic’.

From language movement to the great liberation war, even in earlier movements against British colonial rule, Bengali people struggled as one nation, irrespective of their race, cast, sex and religion. Many of our people sacrificed their lives for the mother land and mother tongue. There were Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and others.

The word secularism is more or less confusing to most of the people of Bangladesh. In fact, is there any universal notion of secularism? Now the question is whether the western notion of secularism is applicable to our country or not.

No doubt Bangladesh was born out of the fundamental principles of democracy, socialism, Bengali nationalism and secularism.

In defining secularism we must consider Bangladesh as a pluralist society in both religious and cultural aspects. So, implementing secularism in Bangladesh is relatively an easier task compared with other Muslim countries. Most of Bangladeshi, we keep liberal outlook and traditionally believe in the principle of peaceful coexistence with other religious communities.

While defining secularism in 1972 constitution, Bangabandhu had crystal clear conception of secularism of the land. To him secularism was not to discard religion. Rather he was eager to promote all religions and bring religious harmony in the country.

There have been extensive militant networks operating world wide for years, and they kept growing under the government’s nose. Not surprisingly Bangladesh is no exception.
It is now also clear that there are some foreign investments that patronise militant activities round the globe. Testimonies of some arrested militants suggest that they are well-equipped and well-funded to carry out so-called ‘revolution’ in Bangladesh.
I pray to all that you keep your eyes open.

It is important to note here that one of our sector commanders in our great liberation war 1971 was Mr. C.R. Dutta. He said: ‘We didn’t fight for liberation in 1971 for making Islam state religion. The spirit of war of liberation was to establish a nation free from communalism.’

Now, my question - under the pesent constitution what class of Citizen Mr. Dutta is? It is really matter of sadness. Is it not the repeat of pre-liberation treatment to us by Pakistani junta, when we could not have our mother-tongue as of our right, when we were not allowed to take higher posts and positions in the then administration and so on? Are we not treating our own people differently? Are we secular liberal Bangladeshi? Are we not discriminating? If our constitution fails to guarantee the true equal Rights of our people, that constitution can not be called a fruit of our national UNITY. That fruit is bound to be a rotten fruit, not a ripen fruit.

Homage to William A S Ouderland (Bir Pratik) (1917-2001)

2009-04-22T02:24:00.002+01:00

Dutch-Australian William A S Ouderland was honoured with the state insignia of 'Bir Pratik ', the fourth highest gallantry award by the government of Bangladesh for his very active participation in and heroic contribution, to the WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971. He is the only foreigner to receive this honorary award by the government of Bangladesh. An Australian national Ouderland was born at Amsterdam in Netherland on 6 December 1917. At the age of seventeen he took a job in the Bata Shoe Company as Shoe-shiner (1934). After two years he left the job and joined National Service and was a Sergeant in the Royal Signal Corps (1936). He left the service in 1940 and then participated in the Second World War (1939-1945) as a guerilla commando of the Dutch army.

Ouderland first came to Dhaka in late 1970 with an assignment as the Production Manager of Bata Shoe Company. Within a few months he was promoted to the post of Company Manager. With the beginning of the War of Liberation the company-manager Ouderland discovered in him the ex-soldier Ouderland facing a new war. At the initial stage he engaged himself in communicating secret intelligence on the plans and actions of the occupation army to the freedom fighters.
As a foreigner he had the access to Pak-army and thereby the opportunity to move in the army headquarters and often attend meetings of the army officers in the cantonment. He helped the freedom fighters in every possible way by supplying provisions and financial support. With his experience in the Second World War as a guerilla commando and himself being an active member of a guerilla branch of the freedom fighters of Sector 2, he imparted regular training to the freedom fighters in guerilla warfare at different secret camps in Tongi including the Bata Shoe Factory premises.
On 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight. He was moved by the killings of the Pakistan Army on 25 March and took photos which he sent to the international media. A war between the West Pakistan Army and guerrilla force, the Mukti Bahini, started immediately. Guerrilla operations, which slacked during the training phase, picked up after August. Economic and Military targets in Dhaka were attacked. Ouderland organized the guerrilla warfare in Dhaka. He built a friendly relationship with 22nd Baluch Regiment captain Sultan Newaz and penetrated into Dhaka cantonment. Subsequently he created close relation with Governor General Tikka Khan and Adviser Civil Affairs Major General Rao Forman Ali. He became a "Distinguished Friend" of A. A. K. Niazi at the headquarters of Eastern Command and managed a security pass to contact with them frequently. Besides Ouderland continued gathering information for the Mukti Bahini and sent it to Major ATM Haider of Sector-2 and Ziaur Rahman.
Inside his office of the Bata Company in Tongi, Ouderland organized and trained the guerrilla fighters of Mukti Bahini. He planned and directed a number of guerrilla operations in Dhaka and nearby areas. He provided the fighters with food and medicine and often gave them shelter. Simultaneously, he gave a tremendous service at the initial stage of the Liberation War by collecting photographs on the inhuman torture and genocide by the occupation army in East Pakistan, and sending them to the world news media thereby creating public opinion in favour of Liberation War. On this point he wrote, "I recollected and resumed in myself the experiences of my youth in Europe, and I felt that I should get the world informed of what was happening in Bangladesh".
William AS Ouderland continued his service in the Bata Shoe Company with his later elevated position as Managing Director till 1978 when he retired and returned back to Australia and settled there for the rest of his life. He died on 18 May 2001 in a hospital at Perth in West Australia leaving behind him his wife Maria and his only daughter. In his last days he was often found telling his wife and daughter, "Bangladesh mon amor (Bangladesh is our love). Maintain this flow of emotion for the generation to come". In 1998, he was invited by the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, to receive the award and certificate but was unable to attend due to illness.
Courtesy: en.wikipedia.org/banglapedia.net/

Mr Ouderland’s Letter

2009-04-22T02:08:00.002+01:00

Dear Mr Faridi

Thank you for your letter of January 24, 1997 advising your effort to

gather and preserve for the future generations of Bangladesh,

relevant and vital information and facts about the struggle of the Bengali

people for Freedom and independence commencing in 1971.

As one who was intimately involved in this struggle. I am writing to

give you the information you requested. Firstly concerning my self

and then to share with you some recollections of the 1971 struggle.

I was born on December 1917 in Amsterdam. Holland while Europe was

in the grip of the third year of the First World War. I was

conscripted for National service in 1936 shortly after I had commenced my employment with the Bata Shoe Company. Shortly before my mother land was

invaded by Germany, I was called up to serve as a sergeant in the Dutch Royal

Signals Corp. IN the face of the might of Adolf Hitlar's German Junta,

equipped with sophisticated Tank and other massive weapons my platoon

of 36 men then were simply armed with short rifles and twelve rounds of

ammunitions each. As we went out to face this enemy, flying overhead

was the huge fleet of Germen warplanes headed for Rotterdam where, in the

space of half an hour, 30,000 innocent Dutch citizen died as result of their

massive air attack. Following this blitzkrieg of Rotterdam the germen Junta

issued and ultimatum to the other cities of Holland, Belgium and France.

Within week the Dutch, Belgium and the France people were under the

domination of Germen Junta.

Having escape form the POW camp after short internment, I joined the

Dutch underground assistance movement. As I spoke fluent Germen and

several Dutch dialects. I befriended the germen high command and was

thus able to help the Dutch underground movement as well as the allied

forces with the vital information. Therefore, when the even of March 1971

started with Tanks of Pakistani forces rolling in to Dhaka, I was reliving my

experience of my younger days in Europe. I could fully appreciate

and predicament of the Bengali people and this motivated me to spring in

to action on their behalf. As a result of indiscriminate and cruel actions of this invading

Pakistani Junta, thousands of Bangali died in the ensuing week.

I felt that some one had made the world aware of what was happening since

I was able to move freely. I was able to photograph the atrocities committed by

Pakistanis against the innocent people which including young children. I was

able to pass these photos to the world press to high light the plight of the

Bengali people.

Deeply touched and move by the almost unbearable sufferings and atrocities I

witness of the cruel and oppressive occupying force. I secretly began Guerrilla movement

with the brave Bengalis at Bata Tongi and all around sectors 1 and 2. In addition, and as an

expatriate CEO of an international company, I had the company of the occupying Pakistani

high command. This enables me to help the Bengali freedom fighters. I trained and worked

with in relation to their Guerilla activities. All these action were taken as a result of my deep

love and affection I felt for the Bengali people.

There is much more I could say in details but it is near impossible

because I am now retired and almost blind.

I have enclosed an album of Photograph cataloguing the atrocities of

the occupying Pakistani army and the untold suffering of the Bengali

people. Also include are photos of some of the brave freedom fighters

whom I consider as my sons.

I hope this will be some help to your worth while endeavour and I

wish you every success.

Your sincerely

W. A S Ouderland

Perth, Australia

22 February 1997

Note:

This letter was send by Mr Ouderland to one of our freedom fighters Mr

Faridi in 1997 and later it was publish in a magazine in Sweden along

with Photograph.

Courtesy: banglaweb.com

DID BANGABANDHU ACTUALLY PARDON ALL WAR CRIMINALS?

2009-04-17T07:03:00.003+01:00

Contrary to the misconception that all the war criminals have been pardoned

If a society that allows the war criminals to roam around free for so many years, it is not at all surprising that such a society will become a breeding ground for criminals. The trial of those who actively opposed Bangladesh's liberation by taking up arms to fight for the occupying Pakistani army has been one of the unfinished legacies of our history.

The process of trial of the war criminals was originally began in 1972 and stopped abruptly after the assignation of the country’s founding president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975.

A total of 37,000 war criminals were arrested between 1972 and 1975.

Twenty-six thousands (26,000) of the detainees with records of minor offence, were pardoned under a general amnesty announced by Mujib government, in which the accused against whom there was no clear evidence of killing, rape, arson and looting were given clemency. There was this clause that even those who were pardoned if new allegations of killing, rape, arson and looting turned up against them they could be tried.

But the trial process of 11,000 others, against whom there was clear evidence of killing, rape, arson and looting was on. Among them 752 were handed down with sentences after the trial under the Collaborators Act 1972. By December 31, the trials of these 752 war criminals were finished, even death penalties were handed down, and one war criminal walked the gallows.

Notably, the first death penalty executed in the history of Bangladesh was in fact that of a war criminal.

But, unfortunately, after the assassination of Bangabandhu (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman) the ruling general Ziaur Rahman halted the process of trial of the war criminals by scrapping the Collaborators Act, resulting in rehabilitation of the hated criminals in the society.

Around 11,000 were behind bars when the government of Justice Sayem and General Zia repealed the Collaborators’ Act on December 31, 1975. They in fact stopped the trial and investigation process. Even those who had been punished were then freed.
sources: online

NO WAY JAMAAT-E-ISLAMI DENY THEIR ROLE AS WAR CRIMINALS

2009-04-17T06:42:00.004+01:00

Jamaat-e-Islami, which yesterday once again denied its anti-liberation role during the 1971 War of Independence, had many of its top leaders among the Razakar members surrendering along with the Pakistan occupation forces on December 16, 1971.

Present Jamaat chief Motiur Rahman Nizami was the chief of Al-Badr, one of the two wings of the Army of Razakars that worked for the Pakistan armed forces to eliminate freedom fighters. The Al Badr is thought to be behind the massacre of the intellectuals on December 14, 1971 when a hundred intellectuals were picked up to be slaughtered.

Lt Gen Niazi’s account:
According to the account of events chronicled by Lt Gen AAK Niazi, who led the Pakistan occupation forces as the chief of Eastern Command of the Pakistan Army in 1971, render the Jamaat’s claim untrue, whom the Jamaat wholeheartedly supported in eliminating freedom fighters in 1971.

Niazi in his book ''The Betrayal of East Pakistan" has categorically said the Army of Razakars was formed by the Pakistan government to fight against the liberation forces. Niazi also describes the formation of the Razakars, training and procurement of weapons and other logistics for them and deployment of the paramilitary vigilante force.

In his book, he says Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-i-Islam Party and several factions of Muslim League were known as rightist political parties at the time and the Army of Razakars was formed with the men recruited from these parties.

"Seventy percent of the target ceiling, of 50,000 Razakars spread over all the districts of the province, was achieved. Battle schools were established to train Razakar platoon and company commanders. To provide an effective command structure to this organisation, about sixty young officers were selected to be appointed as Razakar Group Commanders," Niazi says.

Pleased with their performance, Niazi dedicated his book to the Razakars and Mujahids of East Pakistan along with the members of the armed forces, civil armed forces, civilian officers and the West Pakistan police, saying they "strove hard, made supreme sacrifices and suffered humiliation to keep Pakistan united".

Maj Siddiq Salik’s account:
In fact, Jamaat's dominance in the paramilitary force annoyed other parties.
Maj Siddiq Salik, who was the public relations officer of the then Eastern Command of Pakistan Army and worked closely with Niazi in 1971, in his book "Witness to Surrender" says in September 1971 a political delegation from West Pakistan complained to Niazi that he had raised an army dominated by Jamaat men.

"The General called me to his office and said: From now on, you will call the Razakars--Al-Badr and Al-Shams--to give the impression that they do not belong to one single party," Salik writes.

He observes that the Jamaat leaders collaborated with the Pakistan army "not only to advance their ideals of Pakistan as an Islamic state, but also to wreak vengeance on people they were at enmity with".

There are Historic Documents:
According to the historic document of surrender, the Razakars also conceded defeat in the country's Liberation War along with the Pakistan armed forces. "...This surrender includes all Pakistan land, air, and naval forces as also all paramilitary forces and civil armed forces," says the instrument of surrender signed between the chiefs of the Pakistan occupation forces and the Indian and Bangladesh liberation forces.

Military schools were set up to train the Razakars and a separate Razakars Directorate was established. The Razakars were provided with machine guns, sten guns and intelligence against Bangalee freedom fighters, their supporters and sympathisers.

Jamaat leaders Golam Azam, Abbas Ali Khan, Motiur Rahman Nizami and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojahid launched a countrywide campaign urging youths to join the Razakars, Al-Badr, and the Al-Shams to resist the liberation forces of Bangladesh. The then home ministry also sent reports to West Pakistan about the activities of these forces in favour of the Pakistan occupation forces.

As the newspapers suggest, the top leadership of the Jamaat has been involved in the rape and killing during the war of liberation. Due to their involvement in the anti-liberation activities, Jamaat was constitutionally banned after the country's independence and many Jamaat leaders had to face trial on charges of war crimes.
Source: Online

BANGLADESH AND WAR CRIMES etc.

2009-03-31T07:52:00.006+01:00

Government has fundamental responsibility to prosecute ‘The 1971 criminals’.

To ensure trial of ‘the 1971 criminals’ the government in 1973 amended the constitution for the first time. The Bangladesh constitution provides the government with unlimited power to try ‘the 1971 criminals’ by any laws no matter whether those contradict the provisions of the constitution or not, denying protection of law, protection in respect of trial and punishment and seek remedy from the Supreme Court for enforcement of fundamental rights.
Power given in Article 47 (3) of the constitution: The government has absolute power to try ‘the 1971 criminals’.
Article 47 (3): “Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no law nor any provision thereof providing for detention, prosecution or punishment of any person, who is a member of any armed or defence or auxiliary forces or who is a prisoner of war, for genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes and other crimes under international law shall be deemed void or unlawful, or ever to have become void or unlawful, on the ground that such law or provision of any such law is inconsistent with, or repugnant to any of the provisions of this Constitution.”
Article 47-A: “In applicability of certain articles,(1) The rights guaranteed under article 31. clauses (1) and (3) of article 35 and article 44 shall not apply to any person to whom a law specified in clause (3) of article 47 applies.(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no person to whom a law specified in clause (3) of article 47 applies shall have the right to move the Supreme Court for any of the remedies under this Constitution.”

The International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973:
The International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973, promulgated on July 20, 1973 empowers the government to try individuals on specific charges of crimes against humanity and peace, genocide, war crimes, violation of the Geneva Convention and international laws, for assistance or conspiracy to commit such crimes, and for failure to prevent commissioning of such crimes.
The government only needs to set up a tribunal under this act which is still applicable, as the general amnesty granted to ‘1971 criminals’ by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1973 does not apply to individuals, “those who were punished for or accused of rape, murder, attempt to murder or arson will not come under the general amnesty” [The press note on the general amnesty on November 30, 1973].
The gazette notification promulgating the Act on July 20, 1973 says the tribunal set up under the act shall have the power to try and punish any person irrespective of his nationality, who, being a member of any armed, defence or auxiliary forces commits or has committed in the territory of Bangladesh, whether before or after the commencement of this act, any of the above mentioned crimes.
In principle the Act is still in force. The Act requires a thorough review. The definition of auxiliary forces needs special care and proper examination.
The government framed the Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972, and started prosecuting ‘the 1971 criminals’. But the ‘dark August 1975’ budge changed the situation since the law was repealed on December 31 that year.

Let’s think about it and do something:
"I have got millions of sons losing mine. I have got a country, which is my great achievement. I have a demand--when will the war criminals be tried? "MOKIDUNNESA mother of shaheed Birshreshtha Munshi Abdur Rob.

"My father's soul won't be in peace until the war criminals are tried. The government had conferred the highest respect on the valiant fighters. Why can't they put the war criminals on trial?"FATEMA AMIN daughter of shaheed Birshreshtha Ruhul Amin.

"My husband sacrificed his life for the country. I am proud of him. We want the trial of those who had slaughtered people during the liberation war."MILI RAHMAN wife of shaheed Birshreshtha Matiur Rahman.

"The state needs to file a case in order to try and punish the accused."Professor FARIDA BANU sister of shaheed intellectual Giasuddin. She filed the case with Ramna Police Station on September 24, 1997 against two al-Badr cadres--Chowdhury Mainuddin and Ashrafuzzaman--for killing her brother on December 14 in 1971.

"The government has absolute power to frame any sort of law to try the war criminals."GHULAM RABBANI former judge of Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.

"If the present government does not try the war criminals, then we will try the war criminals after reinstating the Collaborators Act if voted to power."ZILLUR RAHMAN acting president of Awami League.[now president of Bangladesh State]

"The government must move to try the war criminals. An individual cannot do it."ABDUL MANNAN BHUIYAN senior leader of Bangladesh Nationalist Party. He has also said: "The war criminals killed many intellectuals. Nobody took action against them even after there were strong allegations against them. The government must take the responsibility of trying them in line with people's demand."

"People will be able to offer their tributes to the seven gallant soldiers together if they are reburied in the same place. I have requested the chief adviser."Gen MOEEN U AHMED Army chief saying the seven war heroes should be buried in the same place.

Quotations Are Taken From Star Weekend Magazine Volume 6 Issue 49 December 28, 2007.

SOME IMPORTANT ISSUES

2009-03-31T07:25:00.004+01:00

The original sin
Justice for 1971 crimes
Dr. Ahmed Ziauddin

Bangladesh still has not dealt with its past and past never left her. For any society, traumatized by serious crimes and widespread victimizations, dealing definitively with past is critical, or else, it will hunt present and future. A tormented society cannot just be expected to forget or even forgive, unless ways are found to bring the society to terms. In nearly four decades, Bangladesh has failed to reconcile with its past, an “original sin” according to a noted commentator.
Societal victimizations have innate characteristics. It also victimizes succeeding generations. It would be wrong to assume that passing off those directly victimized would lessen traumas, pains, grievances of their successors. It would not. Only “justice” guarantees compressive closure and that is what is preciously needed now in Bangladesh.
If the current Caretaker Government has its way, it's not likely to take steps to initiate the process of long denied and demanded justice for 1971 crimes. In that case, the Government risks being accused of exploiting sensitivities of 1971 for short-term political gains, like many of its predecessors. The Chief Advisor and Chief of Army, two key players of the current administration, early in their regime, in a synchronized way, raised spectrum of expectations of justice. That opened up torrents of pent-up feelings and emotions of pains as well as hope that those responsible would finally be brought to account and victims get justice.
Crimes of 1971
It's very difficult to decipher how in Bangladesh “War Crimes” and “War Criminals” became only issue to denote 1971. All campaigns, for justice or otherwise, organizations, newspapers and other medias, commentaries “exclusively” focus on War Crimes. It is as if, only one crime was committed in Bangladesh in 1971. Trial of War Criminals is the only call that emanates from Bangladesh today and this excessive focus on War Crimes has enabled those allegedly responsible, to spin and play around legal technicalities of definition of War Crimes.
In reality, most victims in Bangladesh in 1971 were victims of Genocide and Crimes against humanity, two most abhorrent crimes known to the world. National, ethnicity, racial and religion determined fates of victims of 1971.
Pakistani military and their local cohorts intentionally targeted Bangalis, to destroy in part or whole, because of their national, ethnical, racial identities. Others were exclusively targeted because of their religion, such as Hindus. Once transposed, such facts neatly fit the Crime of Genocide as defined in the Genocide Convention of 1948 and the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973.
The next crime, which victimized large numbers of other victims, was Crimes against humanity. In short, international laws, it means, widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with the knowledge of attack. In other words, Crimes against humanity are large-scale attacks, and inhumane acts against or persecutions of civilians. In 1971, most victims were unarmed civilians and not armed combatants. For those carrying weapons, different laws apply but under no circumstances, civilians could be targeted.
So, it's very important to keep in mind while demanding justice for crimes committed in 1971, that one particular crime is not overemphasized so that it becomes synonymous to 1971.
Highest criminal responsibility
Anyone who has committed any of these crimes or ordered, solicited, induced, facilitated, aided, abetted, incited or contributed in any other way in furthering the criminal activity with the knowledge, should be individually held accountable. However, it's important that attention is given to those in superior authority, who planned or organized or ran criminal organizations like Al Badar, bore highest criminal responsibility, and should be pursued in all earnest. Bringing those to justice with higher criminal responsibility should thus be made a priority.
Duty to prosecute
Investigation and prosecution is not an “option” for a State but a “duty” under international and national laws for international crimes like Crime of Genocide, Crimes against humanity, War Crimes etc. The Government as the authority of the State, is obliged to “prevent” the commission of Genocide in the first place, and committed, investigate and then prosecute those responsible.
In regard to Bangladesh Genocide, this is preciously what the Government of Pakistan said in its case against India concerning Trail of Pakistani Prisoners War on 11 May, 1973. Pakistan filed a case on that day before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the judicial organ of the UN that mainly resolves disputes between its members and is based in The Hague, Holland, to prevent India from transferring 195 POWs accused of Genocide, Crimes against humanity and War Crimes to Bangladesh for trials in Bangladesh.
In its application, Pakistan maintained that “Pakistan has an exclusive right to exercise jurisdiction over one hundred and ninety-five Pakistani nationals or any other number, now in Indian custody, and accused of committing acts of genocide in Pakistani territory, by virtue of the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948, and that no other Government or authority is competent to exercise such jurisdiction.”
Pakistan further said, “That the allegations against the aforesaid prisoners of war are related to acts of genocide, and the concept of “crimes against humanity” or “war crimes” is not applicable.” In other words, Pakistan accepted that 195 POWs, who were top ranking military leaders in Bangladesh, committed “acts of genocide” and thus reinforcing what Bangladesh has always maintained. Pakistan's sojourn to the World Court, however, failed as India did not recognize jurisdiction of the ICJ.
Unfortunately, despite admitting Genocide before the International Court of Justice, Pakistan negated from its claim to investigate and prosecute of those of its nationals for committing Genocide, and so also Bangladesh, whose nationals were victims and on whose territory, crimes were committed. The losers, at the end, were those millions of victims.
The Government of Bangladesh thus cannot circumvent its duty to investigate and prosecute crimes of 1971 on any pretext, such as, failures of previous Governments, or shortages of time, or on other grounds. Obligation to investigate and prosecute is a duty that the Government cannot withdraw from and further perpetuate culture of impunity that is so endemic in Bangladesh.
Two laws, same crimes
Why Bangladesh adopted two different sets of laws for the same sets of crimes committed in 1971 has since been an enigma.
The first legislation, proclaimed within weeks of liberation of Bangladesh on 24 January, 1972, the Presidential Order no 8, titled the Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972, was designed to prosecute “certain persons, individuals or as members of organizations, directly or indirectly have been collaborators of the Pakistan armed forces, which has illegally occupied Bangladesh by brute force, and have aided and abetted the Pakistan armed forces in occupation, in committing genocide and crimes against humanity..” etc. In other words, the law was for prosecution of collaborators.
The other one passed a year and half later on 20 July 1973, the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973, was to try and punish any member of “armed forces, defence or auxiliary forces” who committed seven major crimes, including Crimes against humanity, Genocide and War Crimes. It baffles many, why it took so long to enact this law, purportedly to judge main protagonists of these crimes, while within five weeks after victory from occupations; laws were ready to try locals!
The two laws dealt with collaborators and members of armed forces differently for committing very same crimes. In fact, no members of armed forces were ever brought under the International Crimes Act 1973, while several thousand collaborators were brought under the net.
This duality, apparently with no plausible justifications, essentially went against an important principle of law, equal treatment under law, and as a result, when final batch of 195 POWs were allowed to return to Pakistan, for whom the International Crimes Act 1973 was primarily meant for, then the Collaborators Order lost some of its edge. If there was one law, for the crimes committed in 1971 and given adequate constitutional protection, perhaps that law would have played more significant roles.
Non-prosecution or amnestySeveral Special Tribunals under Collaborators Order processed numerous cases and leading members of East Pakistan Government headed by Dr. M.A. Malik were convicted. Senior Jamaat leaders were also convicted for participating and collaborating in crimes. Many more were being investigated and thousands of others remained detained.
The Government, on 16 May, 1973, for the first time, declared clemency to certain categories of persons who had been convicted for or charged with the offences under the Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972. On November 30, 1973, the Government made second announcement of clemency to those who had been convicted or accused of offences under the Collaborators Order, except those accused of murder, rape or arson. The en mass release was premised that this would contribute to national reconciliation but in reality, it had exact opposite effects.
There was no consultation of any sort with victims of 1971 crimes, who lost most and thus, the proverbial first seed of the 'original sin” was planted though this unilateral decision. Not only small fries but big fishes then wiggled out of prison because of corruption, favoritism and misuse of powers.
The amnesty order was also legally flawed, in that, only the President of Bangladesh under Article 57 has been authorized to grant pardons to “convicted” persons, not those accused or under trial. Under the misnomer of amnesty, the Government in fact stopped all prosecutions, did not press charges further and released others. It acted illegally in releasing those convicted.
If analyzed, it transpires that what happened was, in absence of better expression, non-prosecution, where the Government decided not to pursue complaints. This was in no way clemency or amnesty, and therefore, successive Governments are under no legal obligations not to prosecute because this amnesty order. This amnesty order in no way is a hindrance to initiate investigations against those freed. Moreover, another similar order could easily replace that amnesty order.
Approaches followed
Nobody could imagine seismic effects of Genocide, Crimes against humanity and War crimes on lives, properties and future of Bangladesh. The new Government just could not get grips over tsunami of pains and sorrows. Victims were helped in some ways but mostly left to fend for themselves. Many new civil society actors emerged and organizations formed, but nobody organized the victims that would have given them some voice. There was no “policy” produced to deal with victims and aftermaths of Genocide and a Libration war.
In some ways, however, Bangladesh, even in absence of a policy, victim's organizations or effective consultations, made attempts to deal with consequences. It picked up local collaborators to avoid private vengeances. Law to prosecute and punish collaborators was brought in, and Special Tribunals started to operate.
Some key individuals were stripped of their citizenship; a strategy though received initial supports, was legally flawed. Such disqualifications were not made as a part of punishment, after a legal process, but done with executive fiat. All such disqualifications were subsequently reversed.
Amnesty, perceived to be panacea of reconciliation, simply collapsed on weights of injustice. Those beneficiaries of amnesty or non-prosecution, regrouped, eventually re-energized and mounted opposition to very ethos of Bangladesh, a liberal and secular society. Today's Islamists are by and large same individuals, believing in same ideologies, and belonging to same organizations that benefited reconciliation gesture.
Virtually nobody received compensation in a meaningful way, nor was lost properties restored. Obviously, there was no question of reparations and victims then forced to pick-up themselves and move on. Some monuments and mausoleums were constructed, symbolizing struggles and sufferings. Even within victims, some sort of artificial hierarchy emerged though marking of Intellectual Martyrs Day on each 14th December, while million other victims have not got such a day for collective grievances and reflection. As yet, Bangladesh doesn't commemorate a Victim's Day or even a Genocide Day.
Conclusion
Those who thought that with disappearances of victims, calls for justice would also die. They could not be more. Now the nation united in calling for justice for crimes of 1971. The past has returned with force, that many tried to bypass.
Bangladesh has to deal with its past, and now, or else, schism and fault lines developed on 1971 would further widen. The wounds are too deep to heal without justice.
All out efforts should be made to organize victims of Genocide and other crimes of 1971. Victims should be reminded that their pains are felt and shared by all. Victims should also be made center of all activities and all approaches should be victims centric.
Without prosecutions, there would be no healing. In post conflict societies, peace only comes with justice. The Government of Bangladesh cannot shrink off its responsibilities, if it aims at a democratic, developed and peaceful Bangladesh. It has to fulfill its obligations, without which, all aims will remain elusive. Experiences around the world tell us, justice is the best healer and that; there is no peace without justice.

The writer is international law expert and can be reached at Bangladesh Center for Genocide Studies, Belgium. Email: bdcgs@aim.com.
© All Rights Reservedthedailystar.net

JUSTICE FOR 1971

2009-03-31T04:26:00.003+01:00

The Trial We are Waiting For
Julfikar Ali Manik

When Awami League Chief Sheikh Hasina announced her election manifesto in a jam-packed hall room on December 12, everyone was listening with rapt attention. Suddenly her supporters gave a huge round of applause breaking the silence. The jubilant applause was a clear message to Hasina, other politicians, foreign diplomats and journalists in the air-conditioned hall room of a five star hotel where the announcement had been made: even after 37 years people are highly emotional about this long-standing issue.
Hasina’s election pledge about trying war crimes has uplifted the spirits of not only the party workers, but has given hope to the entire nation despite its growing disillusionment from past experience of successive governments including the AL’s, of ignoring this popular demand. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s government had initiated the trial of the war criminals but could not continue due to the horrific events of 1975. The onus had been on all the governments that followed, some of which assumed power illegitimately or legitimately. Sadly, even the elected governments did not make the trial of war criminals a priority.
Hasina is pledge-bound to try the war criminals now as her election pledge about war crime has been endorsed by the ballot. There is little doubt that it was her promise to try war criminals that helped her to bag people’s landslide mandate. After the Grand Alliance’s landslide victory she said, “People have already ‘tried’ the war criminals and the anti-Liberation forces through ballots, but our government would obviously take legal steps to try them.” This, together with Hasina seeking support from the UN to bring war criminals under trial, has given people the hope that she is committed to her promise and intends to carry it out.
Chief of the UN Secretary General’s six-member high-level panel Francese Vendrel has said that it would be up to the new government to take up the matter with the UN Secretary General and make it clear what they want the UN to do. Experts, researchers on war crime and victims of the war crimes are also getting ready to help the government and UN. They think the new government should formally request the UN immediately for its involvement in the trial process.
Ferdousi Priyabhashini, one of the survivors of the 1971 war crimes, says, “I am really optimistic this time about the trial of war criminals. I am also eagerly waiting to deposit my witness as a victim in the war crime tribunal, which should be set up as quickly as possible.” Ferdousi, who is also a renowned sculptor of the country, already gave her testimony in many publications. She was imprisoned and tortured by the Pakistani occupation forces and their collaborators in Khulna during the nine-month liberation war in 1971. She witnessed the genocide, atrocities and destruction of the occupation force.
“As a witness I know many names of war criminals from the Pakistani army and their collaborators, I can place my deposition before the court when the tribunal is set up for the trial of war criminals,” she says.
Dr MA Hasan, convener of War Crimes Facts Finding Committee (WCFFC) says that there is enough evidence to try the war criminals of 1971. “We have many victims still alive, witnesses to the atrocities, documents and other evidence,” he says. Deputy Chief of Liberation Forces Air Vice Marshal (retd) AK Khandker, former advisor of caretaker government and human rights activist advocate Sultana Kamal, war crime researcher and human rights activist Shahriar Kabir and many other experts are equally confident about the availability of the evidence even after a lapse of 37 years.
“If it was possible to try German Nazis fifty years after their war crime,” says Khandker, “there is no question of not holding trials of war criminals of 1971 after 37 years.”
According to Ghulam Rabbani, former judge of Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, the necessary documentary materials for convicting the collaborators including the killers of intellectuals are all there with the home ministry. “Since the materials are more than 30 years old, according to the Evidence Act those are to be treated as ancient documents,” explains Rabbani. “No other evidence is required as those at the disposal of the ministry would be sufficient as exhibits in the case records, and conviction and sentence on the basis of that are very much possible.”
Some war crime researchers and leading freedom fighters think it would be better if international jurists, other experts and especially the United Nations help the Bangladesh government in the inquiry commission and trials as the UN has done in the case of many countries across the globe. But Justice Ghulam Rabbani thinks, that if we say the trial will be held under the supervision of the UN it will be a dangerous proposition because the country will have to surrender sovereignty.
“We have the necessary Act namely the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973,” says Rabbani, “now the government will have to constitute one or more tribunals by appointing the members according to the terms of the Act.”
Shahriar Kabir, acting president of Ekatturer Ghatok Dalal Nirmul Committee (A Forum for secular Bangladesh) has similar views, “We expect the UN’s role in trying the Pakistani war criminals but now we are more concerned about the trial of Bangladeshi war criminals.” Hasan emphasises on the terms of references of the trial. “The UN can help us in many ways but terms of references should be formulated by our government considering our social, political and historic perspective.”
Regarding evidence, International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 states — “A Tribunal shall not be bound by technical rules of evidence; and it shall adopt and apply to the greatest possible extent expeditious and non-technical procedure, and may admit any evidence, including reports and photographs published in newspapers, periodicals and magazines, film and tape - recordings and other materials as may be tendered before it, which it deems to have probative value.”
Rules of evidence of the Act also says, “A Tribunal may receive in evidence any statement recorded by a magistrate or an Investigation Officer being a statement, made by any person, who at the time of trial, is dead or whose attendance cannot be procured without an amount of delay or expense which the tribunal considers unreasonable.”
“A Tribunal shall not require proof of facts of common knowledge but shall take judicial notice thereof.” It continues, “A Tribunal shall take judicial notice of official governmental documents and reports of the United Nations and its subsidiary agencies or other international bodies including non-governmental organisations.”
Some war crime and legal experts say there is scope to categorise offences of war criminals of the Liberation War of Bangladesh as in the past few decades many new laws have been formulated, adding new universally accepted definitions of offences such as genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. The International Criminal Court and many other special tribunals in different countries have dealt with war crime and have defined offences in different categories.
“We will have to check thoroughly who were involved with the crimes during our liberation war and under which category of the offences they fall,” says Advocate Sultana Kamal. “We should proceed very carefully with a clear idea as the war criminals cannot evade justice due to the loopholes in laws,” she adds.
Hasan points out the importance of involving the UN as it can play a key role in neutralising pressures from outside that may stand in the way of the process to try war criminals. Says Hasan, “I came to know that when the caretaker government expressed their sincerity to the demand of trial of war criminals, some countries, even from the Middle East put pressure on the government not to try the war criminals.”
Khandker, a newly elected law maker from the AL, also a leader of the Sector Commanders’ Forum, a newly formed organisation that came into the forefront in the last two years with the demand for trial of war criminals, says that an inquiry commission can be set up under the tribunal and the commission would go through the existing evidence and will investigate further.
Justice Rabbani says, “We already have the list of war criminals in Bangladesh and other necessary records and evidence. We have many documents with the names of the people who collaborated with the Pakistani occupation forces under different names including Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams. Now the procedures should be started to try them.”
Hasan expects the new government would place the matter in the first session of the ninth parliament to initiate the process to try war criminals. He thinks an inquiry commission should be formed and be made functional by March and a tribunal for war crime should start functioning by the middle of this year “as we can have plenty of time to finish the long process of trial.”
Hasan’s stance is clear about those war collaborators who did not directly carry out the crimes, rather masterminded them or assisted the Pak Army in committing them. “I think those who were not involved directly in the killing, rape and other war crimes but through provocation masterminded genocide and other crimes politically, must also be tried,” he says. He adds that amending the constitution we can have provisions that those war criminals will not have any right to get involved with any organisation, politics and in any beneficiary post, but can only have voting rights as citizens.
The government of independent Bangladesh in its first decision banned five communal outfits including Jamaat-e-Islami, which not only opposed the nation’s independence but also actively helped Pakistani occupation forces commit genocide and other war crimes.
After the country’s independence in 1971, the first issue of newspapers of the new nation carried the government’s decision to ban five communal parties on December 18. The Morning News ran the report that read: “The government of the peoples’ republic of Bangla Desh (Bangladesh) has banned four communal parties with immediate effect. These four political parties are Muslim League and all its factions, Pakistan Democratic Party, Nezam-e-Islam and Jamat-e-Islami. In addition to these the government has also banned the Pakistan People’s Party. The announcement was made by the Bangla Desh government in a radio broadcast.”
The banned parties including Jamaat were given the green light to do politics during the rule of late president Ziaur Rahman after the assassination of the nation’s founding father Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. In January 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s government passed a law to try the collaborators and war criminals and set up 73 special tribunals, including 11 in Dhaka to try Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams forces, defined as collaborators in the Act. A section of the political groups campaigned for the last three decades saying that the war criminals’ trial issue had turned irrelevant with granting of a general amnesty to all by the then Awami League government. But the Collaborators Act, which was unveiled in a gazette notification on November 30, 1973, clearly states that none of the war criminals have been pardoned.
“Those who were punished for or accused of rape, murder, attempt to murder or arson will not come under general amnesty under Section 1,” reads Section 2 of the Act.
Out of the 37,000 sent to jail on charges of collaboration, about 26,000 were freed following announcement of the general amnesty. Around 11,000 were behind bars when the government of Justice Sayem and General Zia repealed the Collaborators’ Act on December 31, 1975. An appeal glut and release of criminals en masse followed the scrapping of the law.
. Anticipating sure defeat, the Pakistani occupation forces and their collaborators — Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams (mostly leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami and its student front Islami Chhatra Shangha) — picked up leading Bangali intellectuals and professionals on that day and killed them en masse with a view to crippling the nation intellectually. War records show that Jamaat formed Razakar and Al-Badr forces to counter the freedom fighters. ‘Razakar’ was established by former Secretary General of Jamaat Moulana Abul Kalam Mohammad Yousuf, and ‘Badr Bahini’ including the Islami Chhatra Shangha members.
Thousands of people still bear the brunt of war crimes by Jamaat and its student front (now known as Islami Chhatra Shibir), and some other groups such as Muslim League and Nizam-e Islami. Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojahid, presently Jamaat’s secretary general and then head of Al-Badr in Dhaka, led the killings of the intellectuals a couple of days before independence, according to numerous research works, academic papers, accounts of both victims and collaborators, publications including newspapers and secret documents of the Pakistani home department.
Historical documents and newspapers published during and after the Liberation War show Matiur Rahman Nizami, the incumbent Aamir of Jamaat and the then president of Islami Chhatra Shangha, was also commander-in-chief of Al-Badr. He was quoted as saying on September 15, 1971 by Jamaat’s mouthpiece the Daily Sangram: “Everyone of us should assume the role of a soldier of an Islamic country. To assist the poor and the oppressed, we must kill those who are engaged in war against Pakistan and Islam.”
Nizami’s predecessor Golam Azam was the brain behind Jamaat’s anti-liberation efforts. Immediately after independence Golam Azam, ex-Jamaat chief and many others like him fled to Pakistan and returned only after the brutal killing of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family in 1975.
However, some newspaper reports show how the collaborators were considered as a threat to sovereignty of the country even immediately after the liberation.
Bangla national daily The Azad on January 20, 1972 published the lead story titled, “Al-Badr and Jamaat goons are carrying out subversive activities from their hiding places,” and “Liberty is still at stake” (Al-Badr O Jamaater Pandara Ga Dhaka Die Nashokotamulok Tatporota Chalachhe, Swadhinata Rokkhar Bipod Ekhono Kateni)”
Some infamous collaborators currently live abroad, for instance, Chowdhury Moeenuddin who was ‘operation in charge’ of the killings of intellectuals, lives in London. The newspapers published a report after December 1971 with a photograph of Moeenuddin, titled, “Absconding Al-Badr gangster.”
A similar report published in a Bangla national Daily Purbadesh on January 13, 1972 with a photograph of Ashrafuzzaman Khan, titled, “Nab the butcher of intellectual killings.” Ashrafuzzaman reportedly lives in the United States.
During the nine-month bloody liberation war in 1971, Pakistani occupation forces and their Bangladeshi collaborators committed genocide and war crimes that left three million people killed and a quarter million women violated, let alone the planned elimination of the best Bangali brains of the soil on December 14, 1971. Demands for trial of war criminals is the oldest issue of the country, linked to the birth of Bangladesh.
Reports in the newspapers published immediately after the liberation gives proof of the peoples’ cry for justice. On December 19, 1971, Daily Ittefaq carried a banner headline,” Golden Bangla sees the worst massacre in human history (in Bangla–Sonar Banglai Manobetihasher Nrishongshotomo Hottyajoggo).
“Bangabandhu said that if Hitler lived today even he would have been ashamed to see what happened in Bengal,” Bangladesh Observer reported on January 15, 1972. Former German ruler Adolph Hitler led the Nazi Party, infamous for genocide and war crimes committed during the Second World War.
On the same issue, the English daily published a report titled, “War criminals will not go unpunished.” The Report said, “Prime Minister Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman held out an assurance that the war criminals will not go unpunished because people must have a feeling that justice was done.”
The same newspaper in its issue of January 22, 1972 published a report titled, “Mass Killers will be tried: Mujib, We want peace.” The report was on a team of World Peace Council’s call on to the then Prime Minister Sheikh Mujib.
The report reads: “The Prime Minister (Sheikh Mujib) was of the opinion that the United Nations should come forward and take the initiative in instituting a tribunal to go into the genocide of civil population. Such a step was necessary, he emphasised because many of those who had taken active part in massacres or were responsible for planning it, were now living outside the jurisdiction of Bangladesh Governemnt. For the sake of justice those people should also be brought to book, he said…”
After repealing the Collaborators’ Act in December, 1975 the demand for the trial of war criminals lay dormant in the hearts of Bangladeshis and was rekindled by the historic mass movement by Shaheed Janani Jahanara Imam in the 90s.
Shyamoli Nasrin Chowdhury, widow of Martyr Dr Alim Chowdhury says, ” I want to believe this time that war criminals would be tried. I am ready to give my statement as a witness and victim when the special tribunal starts functioning. I have been waiting for the last 37 years for this most desired day.”
“I believe the trial of war criminals of Bangladesh’s liberation war is not only the responsibility of our state, people, country and government. It is a prerequisite to create a just and civilised society. Those who have committed the worst crimes in this nation’s history must be tried for the sake of humanity,” Sultana Kamal opines.
Sultana says, “Following the election result now, it is evident that the issue of the trial of the war criminals has unanimous people’s support. This issue played a vital role for the overwhelming victory of Awami League. So there is no scope to have an excuse this time in failing to try war criminals.”
Ferdousi says, “It is disgraceful for us when we claim ourselves to be civilised without trying the war criminals. This issue (war crime) has shattered our lives. I hope we do not have to continue the movement for the trial of war criminals any further; this time we expect it to come to an end with the trial of the war criminals.”

Cover Story: Star Weekend Magazine: Volume 8 Issue 52 January 9, 2009
Copyright (R) thedailystar.net 2009

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF BANGLADESH

2009-03-07T00:59:00.014Z

The Declaration of independence of Bangladesh

The violence unleashed by the Pakistani forces on 25 March 1971, proved the last straw to the efforts to negotiate a settlement. Following these outrages, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed an official declaration that read:
Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night, West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between E.P.R. and Police on the one hand and the armed forces of Pakistan on the other, are going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh. May Allah aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy Bangla.
Sheikh Mujib also called upon the people to resist the occupation forces through a radio message. Mujib was arrested on the night of 25–26 March 1971 at about 1:30 a.m. (as per Radio Pakistan’s news on 29 March 1971).
A telegram containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration reached some students in Chittagong. The message was translated to Bangla by Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed to secure permission from higher authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby Agrabad Station of Radio Pakistan. They crossed Kalurghat Bridge into an area controlled by an East Bengal Regiment under Major Ziaur Rahman. Bengali soldiers guarded the station as engineers prepared for transmission. At 19:45 hrs on 27 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast announcement of the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur. On 28 March Major Ziaur Rahman made another announcement,which is as follows:
This is Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of Bangobondhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent People's Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our Motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours. Joy Bangla. [ THIS IS NOT THE ONLY ANNOUNCEMENT BY ZIA. TO KNOW THE TRUTH CLICK HERE](Audio of Zia's announcement (interview - Belal Mohammed)

The Kalurghat Radio Station's transmission capability was limited. The message was picked up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later by the British Broadcasting Corporation.
M A Hannan, an Awami League leader from Chittagong, is said to have made one announcement of the declaration of independence over the radio on 26 March 1971. There is controversy now as to when Major Zia gave his speech. BNP sources maintain that it was 26 March, and there was no message regarding declaration of independence from Mujibur Rahman. Pakistani sources, like Siddiq Salik in Witness to Surrender had written that he heard about Mujibor Rahman's message on the Radio while Operation Searchlight was going on, and Maj. Gen. Hakeem A. Qureshi in his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldier's Narrative, gives the date of Zia's speech as 27 March 1971.
26 March 1971 is considered the official Independence Day of Bangladesh, and the name Bangladesh was in effect henceforth. In July 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi openly referred to the former East Pakistan as Bangladesh. Some Pakistani and Indian officials continued to use the name "East Pakistan" until 16 December 1971.

online sources

Edited by HRS

Speech of Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered on 7 March 1971 (English Version)

2009-03-06T22:12:00.004Z

My dear brothers…..
I have come before you today with a heavy heart.
All of you know how hard we have tried. But it is a matter of sadness that the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Rajshahi are today being spattered with the blood of my brothers, and the cry we hear from the Bengali people is a cry for freedom a cry for survival, a cry for our rights.
You are the ones who brought about an Awami League victory so you could see a constitutional government restored. The hope was that the elected representatives of the people, sitting in the National Assembly, would formulate a constitution that would assure that people of their economic, political and cultural emancipation.
But now, with great sadness in my heart, I look back on the past 23 years of our history and see nothing but a history of the shedding of the blood of the Bengali people. Ours has been a history of continual lamentation, repeated bloodshed and innocent tears.
We gave blood in 1952, we won a mandate in 1954. But we were still not allowed to take up the reins of this country. In 1958, Ayub Khan clamped Martial Law on our people and enslaved us for the next 10 years. In 1966, during the Six-Point Movement of the masses, many were the young men and women whose lives were stilled by government bullets.
After the downfall of Ayub, Mr. Yahya Khan took over with the promise that he would restore constitutional rule, that he would restore democracy and return power to the people.
We agreed. But you all know of the events that took place after that I ask you, are we the ones to blame?
As you know, I have been in contract with President Yahya Khan. As leader of the majority part in the national Assembly, I asked him to set February 15 as the day for its opening session. He did not accede to the request I made as leader of the majority party. Instead, he went along with the delay requested by the minority leader Mr. Bhutto and announced that the Assembly would be convened on the 3rd of March.
We accepted that, agreed to join the deliberations. I even went to the extent of saying that we, despite our majority, would still listen to any sound ideas from the minority, even if it were a lone voice. I committed myself to the support of anything to bolster the restoration of a constitutional government.
When Mr. Bhutto came to Dhaka, we met. We talked. He left, sing that the doors to negotiation were still open. Moulana Noorani and Moulana Mufti were among those West Pakistan parliamentarians who visited Dhaka and talked with me about an agreement on a constitutional framework.
I made it clear that could not agree to any deviation from the Six Points. That right rested with the people. Come, I said, let us sit down and resolve matters.
But Bhutto’s retort was that he would not allow himself to become hostage on two fronts. He predicted that if any West Pakistani members of Parliament were to come to Dhaka, the Assembly would be turned into a slaughterhouse. He added that if anyone were to participate in such a session, a countrywide agitation would be launched from Peshawar to Karachi and that ever business would be shut down in protest.
I assured him that the Assembly would be convened and despite the dire threats, West Pakistani leaders did come down to Dhaka.
But suddenly, on March I, the session was cancelled.
There was an immediate outcry against this move by the people. I called for a hartal as a peaceful form of protest and the masses redial took to the streets in response.
And what did we get as a response?
He turned his guns on my helpless people, a people with no arms to defend themselves. These were the same arms that had been purchased with our own money to protect us from external enemies. But it is my own people who are being fired upon today.
In the past, too, each time we the numerically larger segment of Pakistan’s population-tried to assert our rights and control our destiny, the conspired against us and pounced upon us.
I have asked them this before : How can you make your own brothers the target of your bullets?
Now Yahya Khan says that I had agreed to a Round Table Conference on the 10th. Let me point out that is not true.
I had said, Mr. Yahya Khan, your are the President of this country. Come to Dhaka, come and see how our poor Bengali people have been mown down by your bullets, how the laps of our mothers and sisters have been robbed and left empty and bereft, how my helpless people have been slaughtered. Come, I said, come and see for yourself and then be the judge and decide. That is what I told him.
Earlier, I had told him there would be no Round Table Conference. What Round Table Conference, whose Round Table Conference? You expect me to sit at a Round Table Conference with the very same people who have emptied the laps of my mothers and my sisters?
On the 3rd, at the Paltan, I called for a non-cooperation movement and the shutdown of offices, courts and revenue collection. You gave me full support.
Then suddenly, without consulting me or even informing us, he met with one individual for five hours and then made a speech in which he trend all the blame on me, laid all the fault at the door of the Bengali people!
The deadlock was created by Bhutto, yet the Bengalis are the ones facing the bullets! We face their guns, yet its our fault. We are the ones being bit by their bullets- and its still our fault!
So, the struggle this time is a struggle for emancipation, the struggle this time is a struggle for independence!
Brothers, they have now called the Assembly to assassin on March 25, with the streets not yet dry of the blood of my brothers. You have called the Assembly, but you must first agree to meet my demands. Martial Law must be withdrawn; the soldiers must return to their barracks; the murderers of my people must be redressed. And …. Power must be handed over to the elected representatives of the people.
Only then will we consider if we can take part in the National Assembly or not!
Before these demands are met, there can be no question of our participating in this session of the Assembly. That is one right not give to me as part of my mandate from the masses.
As I told them earlier, Mujibur Rahman refuses to walk to the Assembly trading upon the fresh stains of his brothers’ blood!
Do you, my brothers, have complete faith in me….?
…. Let me the tell you that the Prime Ministership is not what I seek. What I want is justice, the rights of the people of this land. They tempted me with the Prime Ministership but the failed to buy me over. Nor did the succeed in hanging me on the gallows, for your rescued me with your blood from the so-called conspiracy case.
That day, right here at this racecourse, I had pledge to you that I would pay for this blood debt with my own blood. Do you remember? I am read today to fulfill that promise!
I now declare the closure of all the courts, offices, and educational institutions for an indefinite period of time. No one will report to their offices- that is my instruction to you.
So that the poor are not inconvenienced, rickshaws, trains and other transport will ply normally-except serving any needs of the armed forces. If the army does not respect this, I shall not be responsible for the consequences.
The Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, Judge’s Courts, and government and semi-government offices shall remain shut. Only banks ma open for two hours daily for business transactions. But no money shall be transmitted from East to West Pakistan. The Bengali people must stay calm during these times. Telegraph and telephone communications will be confined within Bangladesh.
The people of this land are facing elimination, so be on guard. If need be, we will bring everything to a total standstill…….
Collect your salaries on time. If the salaries are held up, if a single bullet is fired upon us henceforth, if the murder of my people does not cease, I call upon you to turn ever home into a fortress against their onslaught. Use whatever you can put your hands on to confront this enemy. Ever last road must be blocked.
We will deprive them of food, we will deprive them of water. Even if I am not around to give you the orders, and if my associates are also not to be found, I ask you to continue your movement unabated.
I say to them again, you are my brothers, return now to the barracks where you belong and no one will bear any hostility toward you. Only do not attempt to aim any more bullets at our hearts: It will not do any good!
….. And the seven million people of this land will not be cowed down by you or accept suppression any more. The Bengali people have learned how to die for a cause and you will not be able to bring them under your yoke of suppression!
To assist the families of the martyred and the injured, the Awami League has set up committees that will do all they can. Please donate whatever you can. Also, employers must give full pay to the workers who participated in the seven days of hartal or were not able to work because of curfews.
To all government employees, I say that my directives must be followed. I had better not see any of you attending your offices. From today, until this land has been freed, no taxes will be paid to the government any more. As of now, the stop. Leave everything to me. I know how to organize movement.
But be very careful. Keep in mind that the enemy has infiltrated our ranks to engage in the work of provocateurs. Whether Bengali or non-Bengali, Hindu or Muslim, all is our brothers and it is our responsibility to ensure their safety.
I also ask you to stop listening to radio, television and the press if these media do not report news of our movement.
To them, I say, “You are our brothers. I beseech your to not turn this country into a living hell. With you not have to show your faces and confront your conscience some day?
If we can peaceably settle our differences there is still hope that we can co-exist as brothers. Otherwise there is no hope. If you choose the other path, we may never come face one another again.
For now, I have just one thing to ask of you: Give up any thoughts of enslaving this country under military rule again!”
I ask my people to immediately set up committees under the leadership of the Awami League to carry on our struggle in ever neighborhood, village, union and subdivision of this land.
You must prepare yourselves now with what little you have for the struggle ahead.
Since we have given blood, we will give more of it. But, Insha’Allah, we will free the people of this land!
The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for independence!
Be ready. We cannot afford to lose our momentum. Keep the movement and the struggle alive because if we fall back the will come down hard upon us.
Be disciplined. No nation’s movement can be victorious without discipline.
Joy Bangla!

Source :
POET OF POLITICS, FATHER OF THE NATION BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN Published by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Trust, Bangabandhu Bhaban, Road-32, Dhanmondi R/A, Dhaka-1205, Bangladesh.

INTERNATIONAL MOTHER LANGUAGE DAY 21 FEBRUARY AND BANGLADESH

2009-02-18T00:54:00.009Z

International Mother Language Day

21 February was proclaimed the International Mother Language Day by UNESCO on 17 November 1999. The 21st of February is of special significance to the people of Bangladesh. At the request of the people of Bangladesh and after investigating the matter, UNESCO declared the 21st of February each year to be International Mother Language Day on a world-wide scale among United Nations member countries.

Each year the 21st of February is commemorated as Language Martyrs Day in Bangladesh and other parts of the world that have sizeable groups of Bangla-speaking people.

In 1999 the proposal was made to UNESCO to create International Mother Language Day in the belief that a culture of peace can only really flourish where each individual enjoys the right to communicate freely in their mother language in all aspects of their lives. UNESCO supports this conviction, as well as the belief that there should be cultural and linguistic diversity in education and the preservation of languages in danger of dying out. So at the 30th session of the General Conference of UNESCO in 1999 the decision was taken to launch International Mother Language Day throughout the world. Its observance was also formally recognized by the United Nations General Assembly in its resolution establishing 2008 as the International Year of Languages.

Bengali Language Movement

The Bengali Language Movement, also known as the Language Movement (Bhasha Andolon), was a political effort in Bangladesh (then known as East Pakistan), advocating the recognition of the Bengali language as an official language of Pakistan. Such recognition would allow Bengali to be taught in schools and used in government affairs. When the state of Pakistan was formed in 1947, its two regions, East Pakistan (also called East Bengal) and West Pakistan, were split along cultural, geographical, and linguistic lines. In 1948, the Government of Pakistan ordained Urdu as the sole national language, sparking extensive protests among the Bengali-speaking majority of East Pakistan. Facing rising sectarian tensions and mass discontent with the new law, the government outlawed public meetings and rallies. The students of the University of Dhaka and other political activists defied the law and organised a protest on 21 February 1952. The movement reached its climax when police killed student demonstrators on that day. The deaths provoked widespread civil unrest led by the Awami Muslim League, later renamed the Awami League. After years of conflict, the central government relented and granted official status to the Bengali language in 1956.

In 2000, UNESCO declared 21 February International Mother Language Day for the whole world to celebrate, in tribute to the Language Movement and the ethno-linguistic rights of people around the world.

The Language Movement catalysed the assertion of Bengali national identity in Pakistan, and became a forerunner to Bengali nationalist movements, including the 6-point movement and subsequently the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. In Bangladesh, 21 February is observed as Language Movement Day, a national holiday. The Shaheed Minar monument was constructed near Dhaka Medical College in memory of the movement and its victims.

AUCTION OF GANDHI'S BELONGINGS -- AN IGNOMINY

2009-02-17T22:43:00.009Z

Gandhi belongings for sale

Published Date: 13 February 2009
MAHATMA Gandhi's distinctive wire-framed spectacles, a pair of worn leather sandals and an inexpensive pocket watch are to go for auction in New York City.
Announcing the sale yesterday, Antiquorum Auctioneers said the auction of Gandhi's belongings was historic because the leader of India's independence movement, who died in 1948, had few possessions.All the items, including a simple brass bowl and plate, will be sold as a single lot during the sale on 4-5 March, with a reserve price of $20,000 to $30,000 (£14,000 to £21,000).The auction house said that in the past few days it had received inquiries from prospective buyers around the globe. The items belonged to a private American collector who obtained them from the Gandhi family's heirs.

The full article contains 133 words and appears in The Scotsman newspaper.

NEWS. Scotsman.com

Gandhi heirs condemn auction of his belongings

Published Date:16 February 2009

>>The family of Mahatma Gandhi has denounced a planned auction of his belongings as immoral and called for them to be returned to India as national treasures.
Gandhi's sandals, pocket watch and spectacles, which the father of the Indian independence movement said gave him "the vision to free India," will be sold to the highest bidder at a New York auction house next month, but last night his great-grandson joined Indian MPs in demanding their return.
Tushar Gandhi, Gandhi's 49-year-old great grandson who runs the Mahatma Gandhi Foundation in Mumbai, said he has already had offers from people around the world to donate one month's salary – including one from a poor rickshaw driver in Mumbai who had offered to sell his vehicle to raise money for the cause.
He has questioned the manner in which Peter Ruhe, a German memorabilia collector and chairman of the GandhiServe Foundation in Berlin, had obtained the items.
The watch, he claimed, was a gift from Gandhi to his grand niece-in-law who served as his personal assistant and in whose arms he died after being shot in 1948. He said that Mr Ruhe persuaded her to sign an agreement with him and now that she has died he is selling them off. He has gone around the world collecting up Gandhi's personal possessions and running it like a business.
"It is all very sad," he said.
"It is immoral and must be stopped," said Mr Gandhi. "It would be a grave insult to the nation if these items were just sold off. While my great-grandfather attached little importance to his possessions and lived a simple life, they are hugely sentimental items for the people.
"They are priceless to India. the father of the Indian independence movement. I would absolutely hate it if they ended up enriching the life of some wealthy businessman in America or Britain.
"They belong here."
The reserve price for the lot is £30,000, but experts expect bids of several times that amount.
The brochure for the New York auction house Antiquorum states that Gandhi gave the pocket watch to his grandniece Abha Gandhi. She later left it her own will to her daughter Ghita Mehta who has provided a letter of authenticity for the sale.
Nilay Band, an associate of Peter Ruhe and a member of his research organisation GandhiServe which promotes Gandhian philosophy, denied that Mr Ruhe had behaved in an underhand manner.
"I have no doubt that Mr Ruhe is genuine and has acquired his large collection on Gandhi memorabilia legitimately. He's a good man and very genuine," he said.
According to Tushar Gandhi, Mr Ruhe had travelled through Gujarat in the 1990s gathering Gandhi memorabilia and had met Gandhi's grandniece and acquired the rights to Gandhi's pocket watch from her. "Collecting up these items has been a systematic lucrative operation going on from Germany," he said.<<

Telegraph.co.uk

GLIMPSES OF BANGLA HISTORY

2009-02-15T21:51:00.002Z

The First Bengali Book “the Charyapada“, exposes cover up behind anti-
Buddhist riots in the Sen Dynasty. Bengali speaking communities at home and abroad
respected the Centenary (1907 – 2007) Discovery Anniversary of First Bengali Literature
“The Charyapada (An Anthology of Buddhist Tantric Songs}”is the source of Assamese,
Marathi, Bangla, Punjabi, Hindi and Orissa languages and it was discovered by great
scholar Haraprasad Shastri from the Royal library of Nepal. It was sad time in the
Karnataka’s Hindu Sen dynasty and Brahmin rulers who destroyed Buddhist Pala dynasty
and the stronghold of Buddhist community. How did Brahmanism absorb Buddhism in
India? (Pandit J. Nehru’s book entitled Discovery of India indicates a professor of the
Paris University asked to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in 1941 in Paris, France).
The conspiracy of Halayud Mishra and Hari Sen with the Baktiar Khilj’s Army
and the carnage that followed in Bangladesh and other parts of India where infuriated
mobs went about killing, burning and looting of the Buddhist community. Naturally “The
Charyapada”, the ancient Buddhist literature is not what the people might call a general
Bengali book. Based on those horrible events the Buddhist poets and scholars decided to
plunge into a subject that cried out to be brought to light. Bangladesh Buddhist
community did not believe in the Vedic caste system. So in those days and nights that
followed, thousands of Buddhists monks and people were massacred as “retribution” of
caste system in a carnage organized by king Ballal Sen’s prime minister cum –
commander in chief Halayud Mishra, Hari Sen and Bakhtiar Khilji mafia as the great
writer Mr. Shaokat Ali explained in his Bengali books entitled, “Duskaler -Dibanishi”
and “Prodoshe Prakritjan.” There were survivors languished for months and later
millions of Buddhists were converted into Islam and received political support from the
Bakhtiar Khilji’s new kingdom Bangladesh. Bengali people are now reawakening to the
worst tragedy of the Buddhist Holocaust which was conspired by Brahmin mafia. Even
now questions are being raised and solutions are being sought. The history of Charyapada
was means to provoke, enrage, empower enlighten and most importantly open grounds
for discussion.
Even the millennium years later, holocaust victims Buddhist community are still
waiting for justice who destroyed Buddhist temples, monks and communities in the name
so called religions. The logic is “why bring up a history that is best buried and forgotten?
Why unearth the horrors of yesterday?” We don’t want to embarrass our Hindu, Brahmin
and Muslim neighbors and friends. But we have to share the pain of the events of the
historical holocaust. Buddhists have left deep wounds on both of our neighbors.
Charyapada’s poetry no 33 explained of regrets over Hindu fundamentalism.
Today the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
members took over the Buddha Gaya Mahabodhi Temple in the name of its management
committee. While basking in the glory of being “the world’s second fastest growing
economy, we should also ponder on why Indians are at the same time among the most
back- ward looking and feudal minded societies in the world. In India the peace loving
people and the Dalits convert to Buddhism for peace and social justice every day. How
will Buddhism survive in Bangladesh?
2
In South Asia there are many people could not study Buddhism who are not
Buddhists. So the Indian Skeptic, a newsletter exposing many of the irrational goings on
relating to continuing superstition reigns. Sadly, few listen, because a bewildering variety
of Fakirs, Pir, Babas, swamis, priests and the like continue to exert a strangle hold over
the minds of the people. The tragedy of Hindu caste system and Islamic fundamentalists
do not allow Buddhism to preach in public places, temples and schools.
Dr. Syed Ali Ahsan said, “Carya means that which should be followed or
practiced and ‘Acarya’ which should not be. In fact these songs give instructions
regarding mystic practices.” UNESCO proclaimed that 21st February is the International
Mother Language Day in 1999 to honor the many languages in the world. The resolution
was sponsored by Bangladesh and adopted unanimously by the Member States of
UNESCO. To commemorate the historical occasion of Bangladesh every year UNESCO
proudly declared, “We pay tribute to the people of Bangladesh, whose passion for their
own language has inspired the designation of 21st February as the “International
Mother Language Day.”
Its history recorded that in 1948 being the father of the nation late Muhammad Ali
Jinnah declared in Dhaka (then it was East Pakistan), that Pakistan’s national language
will be Urdu. History speaks on this day of 21st February in 1952, when a number of
valiant sons of Bangladesh including Rafiq, Salam, Barkat, Jabbar and Shafiq sacrificed
their lives in Pakistani police firing to establish the state language of the erstwhile East
Pakistan which is today’s Bangladesh. After the series of movements, the Pakistan
government bowed down to the demand of the Bengali people and endorsed the Bengali
as one of the state languages. Time and tide wait for none and may all beings be happy.
International Mother Language Day and Nalanda University are gifts of Bengali
Minds to the world. Ancient Bengali book – the Charyapada was written around 8th –
12th century A. D. Hindu fundamentalists and Sen dynasty of Karnatak took over the
political power from Buddhist Pala kings of Bangladesh who established famous Nalanda
University in Bihar. At first Hindu fundamentalists confiscated native Buddhists and
neighbors mother language, books and survival. Hindu rulers and native Buddhists were
fighting continue. In the historical crossroads, during the 12th century Bakhtiar Khilji
attacked Bihar and Bengal and his Muslim Turks’ blazing fires reduced nine million
books of the ancient Nalanda Universtiy into ashes. Today in Bangladesh Muslims
fundamentalists dispossessed the Buddhists and indigenous people including Chakmas &
Marama of Chittagong Hilltracts as well as elsewhere of their ancestral land dwelling
houses by sending Muslim settlers accompanied by Bangladesh armed forces. Present Dr.
Fakhruddin Government does not take any of its political minister or advisor from the
Buddhist community of Bangladesh. Justice denied and persecution directly conducted
by the Jamat and Al-Quida Islamic fundamentalists. Bangladesh indigenous people
demanded their constitutional rights protect their democratic human development and
justice “without fear or favor.”
Bengali language is the source of power of people of Bangladesh as the Bengali
great scholar Atish Dipankar was the vice-chancellor of the Nalanda University who
established peace and educational systems in Tibet. There is a Tibetan translation of
Charyapada in Tibet. Pakistan government wanted to destroy the Bengali language in
1948 in East Pakistan which is today’s Bangladesh. Taliban and Al-Quida have destroyed
3
Afghanistan’s Bamian Buddha statues in 2001. Many great Muslim minded people told
that Taliban is disgrace to Islam and human civilization.
As the Indian Mass media reported that recently China and Japan governments
propose the Indian government to invest millions of dollars to develop the great Nalanda
University. We have to request the Bangladesh government to participate in the
development of our ancient Bengali king Dharmapal’s Nalanda University where many
world scholars came to study including famous Chinese Buddhist monk Huen Tsang in
the 8th century. Unfortunately, Ramayana’s Ayudhya chapter, verse no 32 it is well
documented and recorded, “Buddha is like a thief, know the Buddha as an atheist.” Thus
the Hindu fundamentalists eradicated of Buddhist culture from India and even now
Buddhagaya Mahabodhi temple is controlled by Hindu system of the Management
Committee. Any Religious fundamentalists are the enemies of world peace.

Mr. Sona Kanti Barua
The writer is the President of Bangladesh Buddhist Council, Toronto.
barua_s@hotmail.com

CAMPAIGN FOR THE RETURN OF THE KOHINOOR (DIAMOND)

2009-02-15T02:14:00.006Z

The Kohinoor diamond, appropriated during the British Raj was rumoured to be soon gifted to the queen-in-waiting, Camilla Parker Bowles.
The Kohinoor was usurped by the British during their colonial rule over India. It is not any personal property that could be passed on to the queen's daughter-in-law.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A730801
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koh-i-Noor

BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN: POET OF POLITICS, FATHER OF THE NATION - Political Profile

2008-12-31T07:48:00.003Z

1920
Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920, in Tungipara village under the then Gopalganj subdivision (at present district) of Faridpur district. He was the third child among four daughters and two sons of Sheikh Lutfar Rahman and Siara Begum. His parents used to call him Khoka out of affection. Bongobondhu spent his childhood in Tungipara.
1927
At the age of seven, Bongobondhu began his schooling at Gimadanga primary school. At nine, he was admitted to class three at Gopalganj public school. Subsequently, he was transferred to a local missionary school.
1934
Bongobondhu was forced to go for a break of study when, at the age of fourteen, one of his eyes had to be operated on.
1937
Bongobondhu returned to school after a break of four years caused by the severity of the eye operation.
1938
At eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa. They subsequently became the happy parents of two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, and three sons, Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel. All the sons were to be killed along with their parents on 15 August 1975.
1939
Bongobondhu’s political career was effectively inaugurated while he was a student at Gopalganj missionary school. He led a group of students to demand that the cracked roof of the school be repaired when Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq, Prime Minister of undivided Bengal, came to visit the school along with Husein Shaheed Suhrawardy, later chief minister of Bangla and even later prime minister of Pakistan.
1940
Sheikh Mujib joined the Nikhil Bharat Muslim Chhatra Federation (All India Muslim Students Federation). He was elected to a one-year term.
1942
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman passed the Entrance (currently Secondary School Certificate) Examination. He then took admission as an intermediate student in the Humanities faculty of Calcutta Islamia College, where he had lodgings at Baker Hostel. That same year Bangabandhu got actively involved with the movement for the creation of Pakistan.
1943
Sheikh Mujib’s busy and active political career took off in the literal sense with his election as a councilor of the Muslim League.
1944
Bangabandhu took part in the conference of the All Bengal Muslim Students League held in Kushtia, where he played an important role. He was also elected secretary of Faridpur District Association, a Calcutta-based organization of the residents of Faridpur.
1946
Sheikh Mujib was elected General Secretary of Islamia College Students Union.
1947
Bangabandhu obtained Bachelor of Arts degree from Islamia College under Calcutta University. When communal riots broke out in the wake of the partition of India and the birth of Pakistan, Bangabandhu played a pioneering role in protecting Muslims and trying to contain the violence.
1948
Bangabandhu took admission in he Law Department of Dhaka University. He founded the Muslim Students League on 4 January. He rose in spontaneous protest on 23rd February when Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in his speech at the Legislative Assembly declared : “The people of East Pakistan will accept Urdu as their state language.”
Khwaja Nazimuddin’s remarks touched off a storm of protest across the country. Sheikh Mujib immediately plunged into hectic activities to build a strong movement against the Muslim League’s premeditated, heinous design to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. He established contracts with students and political leaders. On 2 March, a meeting of the workers of different political parties was held to chart the course of the movement against the Muslim League on the language issue. The meeting held at Fazlul Huq Hall approved desolation placed by Bangabandhu to form an All-Part State League age Action Council.
The Action Council called for a general strike on 11 March to register its protest against the conspiracy of the Muslim League against Bangla. On 11 March, Bangabandhu was arrested along with some colleagues while the were holding a demonstration in front of the Secretariat building. The student community of the country rose in protest following the arrest of Bangabandhu. In the face of the strong student movement the Muslim League government was forced to release Bangabandhu and other student leaders on 15 march. Following his release, the All-Party State Language Action Council held a public rally at Dhaka University Bat Tala on 16 March. Bangabandhu presided over the rally, which were soon sets upon by the police.
To protest the police action Bangabandhu immediately announced a countrywide student strike for 17 March. Later, on 19 May, Bangabandhu led a movement in support of the Dhaka University Class Four employees struggling to redress the injustice done to them by their employers. Mujib was arrested again on 11 September.
1949
Sheikh Mujib was released from jail on 21 January. Bangabandhu extended his support to a strike called by the Class Four employees of Dhaka University to press home their various demands. The university authorities illogically imposed a fine on him for leading the movement of the employees. He rejected the unjust order. Eventually, the anti-Muslim League candidate Shamsul Huq won a by-election in Tangail on 26 April, Mujib was arrested for staging a sit-in strike before the vice-chancellor’s residence. When the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed on 23 June, Bangabandhu was elected its joint secretary despite his incarceration. He was released in late June. Immediately after his release, he began organizing an agitation against the prevailing food crisis. In September he was detained for violating Section 144. Later, however, he was freed.
He raised the demand for Chief Minister Nurul Amin’s resignation at a meeting of the Awami Muslim League in October. Immediately afterward, he was arrested again alone with Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani for leading a delegation to Liaquat Ali Khan. That was towards the end of October.
1950
On the first of January, the Awami Muslim League brought out an anti-famine procession in Dhaka on the occasion of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan’s visit to the province. Once again Bangabandhu was arrested and jailed, this time for two years, for leading the demonstration.
1952
On 26 January, Khwaja Nazimuddin declared that Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Bangabandhu managed to play a leading role in organizing a protest against this announcement. From prison he sent out a call to the State Language Action Council to obverse 21 February as Demand Day for releasing political prisoners and making Bangla the state language. He began a hunger strike on 14 February. On 21 February the student community violated Section 144 and brought out a procession in Dhaka to demand the recognition of Bangla as the state language. Police opened fire, killing in the process Salam, Barkat, Rafique, Jabbar and Shafiur, who thus became martyrs of the Language Movement. In a statement from jail, Bangabandhu condemned the police firing and registered his strong protest. He was on hunger strike for 13 consecutive days. He was moved from Dhaka central jail to Faridpur Jail to prevent him from making contact with the organizers of the movement. He was released from jail on 26 February.
1953
On 9 July, Mujib was elected general secretary of East Pakistan Awami League at this council session. Efforts were made to forge unity among Moulana Bhashani, A.K. Fazlul Huq and Shaheed Suhrawardy with the objective of taking on the Muslim League at the general elections. To achieve this goal, a special council session of the party was called on 14 November, when a resolution to form the Jukta Front (United Front) was approved.
1954
The first general elections were held on 10 March. The United Front won 223 seas out of a total of 237, including 143 captured by the Awami League. Bangabandhu swept the Gopalganj constituency, defeating the powerful Muslim League leader Wahiduzzaman by a margin of 13,000 votes. On 15 May, Bangabandhu was given charge of the ministry of agriculture and forests when the new provincial government was formed. On 29 May, the central government arbitrarily dismissed the United Front ministry. Bangabandhu was again arrested once he landed at Dhaka airport after a flight from Karachi on 30 May. He was freed on 23 December.
1955
Bangabandhu was elected a member of the legislative assembly on 5th June. The Awami League held a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on 17th June where it put forward a 21-point program demanding autonomy for East Pakistan. On 23rd June the Working Council of the Awami League decided that this members would resign from the legislative assembly if autonomy was not granted to East Pakistan.
On 25ht August Bangabandhu told Pakistan’s assembly in Karachi:
“SIR, YOU WILL SEE THAT THEY WANT TO PLACE THE WORD ‘EAST PAKISTAN’ INSTEAD OF ‘EAST BENGAL’. WE HAVE DEMANDED SO MANY TIMES THAT YOU SHOULD USE BENGAL INSTEAD OF PAKISTAN. THE WORD ‘BANGAL’ HAS A HISTORY, HAS A TRADITION OF TIS OWN. YOU CAN CHANGE IT ONLY AFTER THE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN CONSULTED. IT YOU WANT TO CHANGE IT THEN WE HAVE TO GO BACK TO BENGAL AND ASK THEM WHETHER THE ACCEPT IT. SO FAR AS THE QUESTION OF ONE UNIT IS CONCERNED IT CAN COME IN THE CONSTITUTION. WHY DO YOU WANT IT TO BE TAKEN UP JUST NOW? WHAT ABOUT THE STATE LANGUAGE, BENGALI? WE WILL BE PREPARED TO CONSIDER ONE-UNIT WITH ALL THESE THINGS. SO, I APPEA TO MY FRIENDS ON THAT SIDE TO ALLOW THE PEOPLE TO GIVE THEIR VERDICT IN ANY WAY, IN THE FORM OF REFERENDUM OR IN THE FORM OF PLEDICITE.”

On 21st October the party dropped the word ‘Muslim’ from its name at a special council of the Bangladesh Awami Muslim League, making the party a truly modern and secular one. Bangabandhu was reelected General secretary of the party.
1956
On 3 February, Awami League leaders, during a meeting with the Chief Minister, demanded that the subject of provincial autonomy be included in the draft constitution. On 14 July, the Awami League at a meeting adopted a resolution opposing the representation of the military in the administration. The resolution was moved by Bangabandhu. On 4 September an anti-famine procession was brought out under the leadership of Bangabandhu defying Section 144. At least three persons were killed when police opened fire on the procession in Chawkbazar area. On 16 September, Bangabandhu jointed the coalition government, assuming he charge of Industries, Commerce, Labor, Anti-Corruption and Village Aid Ministry.
1957
On 30 May, Bangabandhu resigned from the cabinet in response to a resolution of the party to strengthen the organization by working for it full-time. On 7 August, he went on an official tour of China and the Soviet Union.
1958
Pakistan’s President, Major General Iskandar Mirza, and the chief of Pakistan’s army Genera Ayub Khan, imposed martial law on 7 October and banned politics. Bangabandhu was arrested on 11 October. Thereafter, he was continuously harassed through one false case after another. Released from prison after 14 months, he was arrested again at the jail gate.
1961
Bangabandhu was released from jail after he won a writ petition in the High Court. Then he started underground political activities against the martial law regime and dictator Ayub Khan. During this period he set up an underground organization called “Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad” or Independent Bangla Revolutionary Council, comprising outstanding student leaders in order to work for the independence of Bangladesh.
1962
Once again Bangabandhu was arrested under the Public Security Act on 6 February. He was freed on 18 June following the withdrawal of the four-year-long martial law on 2 June. On 25 June, Bangabandhu joined other national leaders to protest the measures introduced by Ayub Khan. On 5 July he addressed a public rally at Paltan Maid an where he bitterly criticized Ayub Khan. He went to Lahore on 24 September and joined forces with Shaheed Suhrawardy to form the National Democratic Front, an alliance of the opposition parties. He spent the entire month of October traveling across the whole of Bengal along with Shaheed Suhrawardy to drum up public support for the United Front.
1963
Sheikh Mujib went to London for consultations with Suhrawardy, who was there for medical treatment. On 5 December, Suhrawardy died in Beirut.
1964
The Awami League was revitalized on 25 January at a meeting held at Bangabandhu’s residence. The meeting adopted a resolution to demand the introduction of parliamentary democracy on the basis of adult franchise in response to public sentiment. The meeting elected Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish as party president and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib as general secretary. On 11 March, an All-Party Action Council was formed. Bangabandhu led a committee to resist communal riots. Following the riots he took the initiative to start a vigorous anti-Ayub movement. Bangabandhu was arrested 14 days before the presidential election.
1965
The government charged Sheikh Mujib with sedition and making objectionable statements. He was sentenced to a one-year jail term. He was later released on an order of the High Court.
1966
On 5 February, a national conference of the opposition parities was held in Lahore. Bangabandhu placed his historic 6-point demand before the select committee of the conference. The 6-point demand was a palpable charter of freedom of the Bengalee nation. On the first day of March, Bangabandhu was elected president of the Awami League. Following his election, he launched a campaign to obtain enthusiastic support for the 6-point demand. He toured the entire country. During his tour he was arrested by the police and detained variously at Sylhet, Mymensingh and Dhaka several times. During the first quarter of the year he was arrested eight times. On 8 May, he was attested again after his speech at a rally of jute mill workers in Narayanganj. A countrywide strike was observed on 7 June to demand the release of Bangabandhu and other political prisoners. Police opened fire during the strike and killed a number of workers in Dhaka, Narayanganj and Tongi.
1968
The Pakistan government instituted the notorious Agartala conspiracy case against Bangabandhu and 34 Bengalee military and CSP officers. Sheikh Mujib was named accused number one in the case that charged the arrested persons with conspiring to bring about the secession of East Pakistan from the rest of Pakistan. The accused were kept detained inside Dhaka Cantonment. Demonstrations started throughout the province to demand the release of Bangabandhu and the other co-accused in the Agartala conspiracy case. The trial of the accused began on 19 June inside Dhaka Cantonment amidst tight security.
1969
The Central Students Action Council was formed on 5 January to press for the acceptance of the 11-point demand that included the 6-point demand of Bangabandhu. The council initiated a countrywide student agitation to force the government to withdraw the Agartala conspiracy case and release Bangabandhu. The agitation gradually developed into a mass movement. After months of protests, violations of Section 144 and curfews, firing by the police and the EPR and a number of casualties, the movement peaked into an unprecedented mass upsurge that forced Ayub Khan to convene a round-table conference of political leaders and announce Bangabandhu’s release on parole. On 22 February, the central government bowed to the continued mass protests and free Bangabandhu and the other co-accused. The conspiracy case was withdrawn. The Central Student Action Council arranged a reception in honor of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 23 February at the racecourse (Suhrawardy Uddyan). At this meeting of one million people, Mujib was publicly acclaimed as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal). In his speech on the occasion, Bangabandhu pledged his total support to the 11-point demand of the student.
On 26 February, Bangabandhu joined the round-table conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi. At the conference Bangabandhu placed the 6-point demand of his party and the 11-point demand of the students and said: “To end the people’s anger there is no alternative to the acceptance of the 6-point and 11-point demand and the granting of regional autonomy”. When the Pakistani politicians and rulers rejected his demand he left the conference on 13 March. The next day he returned to Dhaka. On 25 March, Gen. Yahya Khan seized power and imposed martial law. On 25 October, Bangabandhu went to London on a three-week organizational tour. On 5 December, Bangabandhu declared at a discussion meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Shaheed Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. He added: “There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word ‘Bangla’ from this land and its map. The existence of the word ‘Bangla’ was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bangal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called ‘Bangladesh’ instead of ‘East Pakistan.’
1970
Bangabandhu was re-elected President of the Awami League on 6 January. The Awami League at a meeting of the Working committee on 1 April decided to take part in the general elections scheduled for later that year. On 7 June, Bangabandhu addressed a public meeting at the racecourse ground and urged the people to elect his party on the issue of the 6-point demand. On 17 October, Bangabandhu selected the boat as his party’s election symbol and launched his campaign through an election rally at Dhaka’s Dholai Khal. On 28 October, he addressed the nation over radio and television and called upon the people to elect his party’s candidates to implement the 6-point demand. When a mighty cyclone storm hit the coastal belt of Bangladesh, killing at lest one million people, Bangabandhu suspended his election campaign and rushed to the aid of the helpless people in the affected areas. He strongly condemned the Pakistani rulers indifference to the cyclone victims and protested against it. He called on the international community to help the people affected by the cyclone. In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League gained an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 out of 169 National Assembly seats in the then East Pakistan and gained 305 out of 310 seats in the Provincial Assembly.
1971
On 3 January, Bangabandhu conducted the oath of the people’s elected representatives at a meeting at the Race Course ground. The Awami League members took the oath to frame a constitution on the basis of the 6-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the people who had elected them. On 5 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, the leader of the majority party, the People’s Part, in the then West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre with the Awami League. Bangabandhu was chosen as the leader of his party’s parliamentary part at a meeting of the National Assembly members elected from his party. On 27 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu. The talks collapsed after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to convince in Dhaka on 3 March. On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In a statement on 16 February, Bangabandhu bitterly criticized the demand of Bhutto and said, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power has to be handed over to the only majority party, the Awami League. The people of East Bengal are now the masters of power.”
On 1 March, Yahya Khan abruptly postponed the National Assembly session, prompting a storm of protest and throughout Bangladesh. Bangabandhu called an emergency meeting of the working committee of the Awami League, which called a countrywide hartal for 3 March. After the hartal was successfully observed, Bangabandhu called on the President to immediately transfer power to his party.
On 7 March, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman addressed a mammoth public rally at the Race Course ground, where he declared:
“THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR EMANCIPATION, THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR INDEPENDENCE. JOI BANGLA.” IN THIS HISTORIC SPEECH, BANGABANDHU URGED THE NATION TO BREAK THE SHACKLES OF SUBJUGATION AND DECLARED, “SINCE WE HAVE GIVEN BLOOD, WE WILL GIVE MORE BLOOD. GOD-WILLING, THE PEOPLE OF THIS COUNTR WILL BE LIBERATED…. TURN EVERY HOUSE INTO A FORT. FACE (THE ENEMY) WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE.”
He advised the people to prepare themselves for a guerilla war against the enemy. He asked the people to start a total non-cooperation movement against the government of Yahya Khan. There were ineffectual orders from Yahya Khan on the one hand, while the nation, on the other hand, received directives from Bangabandhu’s Road 32 residence. The entire nation carried out Bangabandhu’s instructions. Ever organization, including government offices, banks, insurance companies, schools, colleges, mills and factories obeyed Bangabandhu’s directives. The response of the people of Bangladesh to Bangabandhu’s call was unparalleled in history. It was Bangabandhu who conducted the administration of an independent Bangladesh from March 7 to March 25.
On 16 March, Yahya Khan came to Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu on the transfer of power. Bhutto also came a few days later to Dhaka for talks. The Mujib-Yahya-Bhutto talks continued until 24 March. Yahya Khan left Dhaka in the evening of 25 March in secrecy. On the night of 25 March, the Pakistan army cracked down on the innocent unarmed Bangalees. They attacked Dhaka University, the Peelkhana Headquarters of the then East Pakistan Rifles and the Rajarbagh Police Headquarters.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman read out a wireless message, moments after the crackdown began, declaring the independence of Bangladesh as 25 March gave way to 26 March. His declaration was transmitted over wireless to the country:
“THIS MAY BE MY LAST MESSAGE, FROM TO-DAY BANGLADESH IS INDEPENDENT. I CALL PON THE PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH WHEREVER YOU MIGHT BE AND WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE, TO RESIST THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION TO THE LAST. YOUR RIGHT MUST GO ON UNTIL THELAST SOLDIER OF THE PAKISTAN OCCUPATION ARMY IS EXPELLED FROM THE SOIL OF BANGLADESH. FINAL VICTORY IS OURS.”
He called upon all sections of people, including Bangalee military and civilian personnel, students, workers and peasants, to join the resistance against the occupation Pakistan army. This message of Bangabandhu was immediately disseminated throughout the country through radio equipment under special arrangements. The same night jawans and officers in Chittagong, Comilla and Jessore cantonments put up resistance to the Pakistan army after receiving this message. Bangabandhu’s declaration was broadcast by Chittagong Radio station. The Pakistan army arrested Bangabandhu from his Dhanmondi residence at 1-10 A.m. and whisked him away to Dhaka cantonment. On 26 March he was flown to Pakistan as a prisoner. The same day, General Yahya Khan, in a broadcast banned the Awami League and called Bangabandhu a traitor.
On 26 March, M.A Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Bangabandhu’s declaration of dependence over Chittagong radio. On 10 April, The Provisional Democratic Government of Bangladesh was formed with Bangabandhu as President.
The revolutionary government took the oath of office on 17 April at the Amrakanan of Baidyanathtala in Meherpur, which is now known as Mujibnagar. Bangabandhu was elected President, Syed Nazrul Islam acting President and Tajuddin Ahmed Prime Minister. The Liberation War ended on 16 December when the Pakistani occupation forces surrendered at the historic racecourse ground accepting defeat in the glorious was led by the revolutionary government in exile. Bangladesh were finally free.
Earlier, between August and September of 1971, the Pakistani junta held a secret trial of Bangabandhu inside Lyallpur jail in Pakistan. He was sentenced to death. The freedom-loving people of the world demanded absolute security of Bangabandhu’s life. Once Bangladesh was liberated, the Bangladesh government demanded that Bangabandhu be released immediately and unconditionally. A number of countries, including India and the Soviet Union, and various international organizations urged the release of Bangabandhu. Pakistan had no right to hold Bangabandhu, who was the architect of Bangladesh. In the meantime, Bangladesh had been recognized by many countries of the world.

1972
The Pakistan government freed Bangabandhu on 8 January 1972. Bangabandhu was seen off at Rawalpindi by Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, by now Pakistan’s president the same day Bangabandhu left for London en route to Dhaka. In London, British Prime Minister Edward Heath met him. On his way back home from London Bangabandhu had a stop-over in New Delhi, where he was received by Indian President V. V. Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
A memorable reception was accorded to Bangabandhu when the Father of the Nation reached Dhaka on 10 January. From the airport he drove straight to the Racecourse Ground where he made a tearful address before the country. On 12 January, Bangabandhu became Bangladesh’s Prime Minister. On 6 February he traveled to India at the invitation of the Indian government. After twenty-four years the Dhaka University authorities rescinded his expulsion order and accorded him the University’s life membership.
On 1 March he went to the Soviet union on an official visit. The allied Indian army left Dhaka on 17 March at the request of Bangabandhu. On 1 Ma he announced a raise in the salary of class three and four employees of the government. On 30 July Bangabandhu underwent a gall bladder operation in London. From there he went to Geneva. On 10 October the World Peace Council conferred the Julio Curie award on him. On 4 November, Bangabandhu announced that the first general election in Bangladesh would be held on 7 March, 1973. On 15 December, Bangabandhu’s government announced the provision of according state awards to the freedom fighters. On the first anniversary of liberation the constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was framed.
Among the important achievements of the Bangabandhu government:
The reorganization of the administrative system, framing of the constitution, rehabilitation of one crore people, restoration and development of communication system, expansion of education, supply of free books to students upto class V and at low price to students upto class VIII, effective ban on all anti-Islamic and anti-social activities like gambling, horse races, drinking of liquor, establishment of Islamic Foundation, reorganization of Madrasa Board, establishment of 11,000 primary schools, nationalization of 40,000 primary schools, establishment of women’s rehabilitation centre for the welfare of distressed women, Freedom Fighters Welfare Trust, waiving tax upto 25 bighas of land, distribution of agricultural inputs among farmers free of cost or at nominal price, nationalization of banks and insurance companies abandoned by the Pakistanis and 580 industrial nits, employment to thousands of workers and employees, construction of Ghorasal fertilizer factory, primary work of Ashuganj complex and establishment of other new industrial units and reopening of the closed industries. Thus Bangabandhu successfully built an infrastructure for the economy to lead the country towards progress and prosperity. Another landmark achievement of the Bangabandhu government was to gain recognition of almost all countries of the world and the United Nations membership in a short period of time.
1973
The Awami League secured 293 out of the 300 Jatiya Sangsad (parliament) seats in the first general elections. On 3 September, the Awami League, CPB and NAP formed Oikya Front (United Front). On 6 September, Bangabandhu traveled to Algeria to attend the Non-Aligned Movement summit conference.
1974
The People’s Republic of Bangladesh was accorded membership of the United Nations. On 24 September, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman addressed the UN General Assembly in Bengali.
1975
On 25 January, the country switched over to the presidential system of governance and Bangabandhu took over as President of the republic. On 24 February, Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, comprising all the political parties of the country, was launched. On 25 February, Bangabandhu called upon all political parties and leaders to join this national party. He felt the need for making Bangladesh a self-reliant nation by reducing dependence on foreign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-reliance, He launched the Second Revolution to make independence meaningful and ensure food, clothing, shelter, medicare, education and work to the people. The objectives of the revolution were: elimination of corruption, boosting production in mills, factories and fields, population control and establishment of national unity.
Bangabandhu received an unprecedented response to his call to achieve economic freedom by uniting the entire nation. The economy started picking up rapidly within a short time. Production increased. Smuggling stopped. The prices of essentials came down to within the purchasing capacity of the common man. Imbued with new hope, the people untidily marched forward to extend the benefits of independence to ever doorstep. But that condition did not last long.
In the pre-dawn hours of 15 August, the noblest and the greatest of Bengalees in a thousand years, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the Nation, was assassinated by a handful of ambitious and treacherous military officers. On that day, Bangabandhu’s wife, a noble woman, Begum Fazilatunnessa; his eldest son, freedom fighter Sheikh Kamal; second son Lt. Sheikh Jamal; youngest son Sheikh Russel; tow daughters-in-law Sultana kamal and Rosy kamal; Bangabandhu’s brother Sheikh Naser; brother-in-law and agriculture minister Abdur Rab Serniabat and his daugher baby Serniabat; Arif Serniabat, grand son Sukanto Abdullah and nephew Shahid Serniabat Bangabandhu’s nephew, youth leader and journalist Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni and his pregnant wife Arzoo Moni; Bangabandhu’s security officer Brig. Jamil and a 14-year-old boy Rintoo were killed. In all the killers slaughtered 16 members and relatives of Bangabandhu’s family.
Martial law was imposed in the country after the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Democracy was done away with and basic rights were snatched away. Thus began the politics of killing, coups and conspiracy. The people’s rights to food and vote were taken away.
There is international provision to hold trial of killers to protect human rights in the world. But unfortunately in Bangladesh, a law was enacted under a martial law ordinance exempting the self-confessed killers of Bangabandhu from any trial. Having captured power illegally through a military coup, Gen. Ziaur Rahman spoiled the sanctity of the constitution by incorporating the notorious Indemnity Ordinance in the Fifth Amendment to the constitution. He rewarded the killers by providing them with jobs in Bangladesh diplomatic missions abroad. The people are suffering from lack of security as the killers, instead of being punished, have been rewarded. The Indemnity Ordinance, which is opposed to basic human rights, has to be repealed and the killers punished to restore rule of law in the country. The indemnity Ordinance was repealed by parliament only after the Awami League led by Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to power in 1996.
August 15, 1975, is the blackest day in Bangladesh’s national life. The nation observes this day as National Mourning Day.

Source :Father of the Nation Bangabandhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Trust

CONGRATULATIONS TO THE PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH - BANGLADESH TO SEE THE CHANGE

2008-12-30T20:28:00.005Z

Bangladesh has elected Awami League-led grand alliance with the biggest parliamentary majority since 1973, following Monday's general elections designed to bring an end to two years of military-backed rule.

The stunning landslide victory in an environment of free and fair elections clearly showed the people's verdict for a change. The election verdict was a total rejection of the politics of religion, of extremism, of militancy.

Bangladesh Awami League, which led Bangladesh to independence in 1971 practically demolished its rivals, the centre-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its Islamist ally the Jamaat-e-Islami. All top leaders of the Jamaat lost their seats.

The historic victory is at once a challenge and an opportunity for Sheikh Hasina, an opportunity for her to disprove the common complaint that “ winners take it all.” It is also an opportunity for her to redeem her election pledge that inspired the people across the country. The eyes of the whole nation are focussed on her: how she leads the country for the next five years and how she delivers on her promise. The people have put their trust in her and they are confident she will not fail them.
I congratulate Bangladeshi People, Sheikh Hasina, all members of her team and all others who have won the election. Hope: change will come.

EPAR BANGLA - OPAR BANGLA >> CLASH OF CULTURE?

2008-11-28T02:11:00.003Z

Bangla Natok! A Clean Boundary Line is to be drawn, but leaving the sky open.

READ HERE:

http://glitz.bdnews24.com/details.php?catry=2&showns=336

BARACK OBAMA - 'THE SUN'

2008-11-05T22:44:00.003Z

CONGRATULATIONS TO MR. BARACK OBAMA, THE NEW PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.A. AND THE NEW LEADER OF THE WORLD.
HOPE MR. OBAMA BE THE NEXT MAHATMA GANDHI-BONGOBONDHU MUJIB-LUTHER KING -NELSON MANDELA.

BARRISTER RAFIQUL HAQUE - THE SHIELD AGAINST THE SWORDS

2008-10-20T02:28:00.003+01:00

TODAY I AM PLEASED ENOUGH TO DECLARE:

2008-09-13T20:32:00.003+01:00

That I feel free to think and grow rich . . . again. A new episode starts here with a new phage of my life, where from I will run a new race inshallah.

READ THE HISTORY OF BANGLADESH OR BENGAL

2008-09-09T01:42:00.005+01:00

The Proto-Australoids were the earliest inhabitants of Bengal. Dravidians migrated to Bengal from Southern India, while Tibeto-Burman people migrated from the Himalayas, followed by the Indo-Aryans from north-western India. The ancestors of modern Bengali people were a blend of these peoples. Pathans, Iranians, Arabs and Turks also migrated to the region in the late Middle Ages while spreading Islam.

READ HERE >>

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bengal
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Bangladesh

LET ME LOVE !!!

2008-08-20T05:48:00.004+01:00

I WANTED TO GIVE YOU SOMETHING, MY LOVE . . .
YOU ARE LIKE A RIVER . . .
I AM THE MOUNTAIN,
I STAY AND REMEMBER;
AND FOLLOW YOU WITH MY LOVE . . .

WHERE IS LIFE ?

2008-08-20T05:23:00.011+01:00

COUNTRY ROADS TAKE ME HOME
TO THE PLACE I BELONG

LET MY COUNTRY WAKE

2008-08-15T16:26:00.004+01:00

Where the mind is without fear
and the head is held high

Where knowledge is free

Where the world is not broken into fragments
by narrow domestic walls

Where words emanate from the depth of truth

Where tireless striving stetches its arms
towards perfection

Where the clear stream of reason hasn’t lost its
way into the dreary sand of dead habit

Where the mind is led forward by thee into
ever widening thought and action-

Into that haven of freedom, o sire, let my
Country wake ---Tagore

BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN

2008-05-20T01:52:00.011+01:00

He is not a mere individual. He is an institution. A movement. A revolution. An upsurge. He is the architect of the nation. He is the essence of epic poetry and he is history.

This history goes back a thousand years. Which is why contemporary history has recognized him as the greatest Bengali of the past thousand years. The future will call him the superman of eternal time.

And he will live, in luminosity reminiscent of a bright star, in historical legends. He will show the path to the Bengali nation his dreams are the basis of the existence of the nation. A remembrance of him is the culture and society that Bengalis have sketched for themselves. His possibilities, the promises thrown forth by him, are the fountain-spring of the civilized existence of the Bengalis.

He is a friend to the masses. To the nation he is the Father. In the view of men and women in other places and other climes, he is the founder of sovereign Bangladesh.

Journalist Cyril Dunn once said of him, "In the thousand - year history of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujib is the only leader who has, in terms of blood, race, language, culture and birth, been a full - blooded Bengali. His physical stature was immense. His voice was redolent of thunder. His charisma worked magic on people. The courage and charm that flowed from him made him a unique superman in these times."

Newsweek magazine has called him the poet of politics.

The leader of the British humanist movement, the late Lord Fenner Brockway once remarked, "In a sense, Sheikh Mujib is a great leader than George Washington, Mahatma Gandhi and De Valera."

The greatest journalist of the new Egypt, Hasnein Heikal (former editor of Al Ahram and close associate of the late President Nasser) has said, "Nasser is not simply of Egypt. Arab world. His Arab nationalism is the message of freedom for the Arab people.

In similar fashion, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman does not belong to Bangladesh alone. He is the harbinger of freedom for all Bangalis. His Bengali nationalism is the new emergence of Bengali civilization and culture. Mujib is the hero of the Bengalis, inn the past and in the times that are.

Embracing Bangabandhu at the Algiers Non - Aligned Summit in 1973, Cuba’s Fidel Castro noted, "I have not seen the Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the Himalayas.

Upon hearing the news of Bangabandhu's assassination, former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson wrote to a Bengali Journalist, "This is surely a supreme national tragedy for you. For me it is a personal tragedy of immense dimensions."

Refers to the founder of a nation - state. In Europe, the outcome of democratic national aspirations has been the rise of modern nationalism and the national state. Those who have provided leadership in the task of the creation of nations or nation-states have fondly been called by their peoples as founding fathers and have been placed on the high perches of history. Such is the reason why Kamal Ataturk is the creator of modern Turkey. And thus it is that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the founder of the Bengali nation - state and father of the nation of his fellow Bengalis.

But in more ways than one, Sheikh Mujib has been a more successful founding father than either Ataturk or Gandhi.

Turkey existed even during the period of the Ottoman empire. Once the empire fell, Ataturk took control of Turkey and had it veer away from western exploitation through giving shape to a democratic nation - state.
In Gandhi's case, India and Indians did not lose their national status either before or after him.

But once the British left the subcontinent, the existence of the Bengali nation appeared to have been blotted out.

The new rulers of the new state of Pakistan called Bangladesh by the term "East Pakistan" in their constitution. By pushing a thousand - year history into the shadows, the Pakistani rulers imposed the nomenclature of "Pakistanis" on the Bengalis, so much so that using the term "Bengali" or "Bangladesh" amounted to sedition in the eyes of the Pakistani state.

The first man to rise in defense of the Bengali, his history and his heritage, was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

On 25 August 1955, he said in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, "Mr. Speaker, they ( government) want to change the name of East Bengal into East Pakistan. We have always demanded that the name 'Bangla' be used. There is a history behind the term Bangla. There is a tradition, a heritage, If this name is at all to be changed, the question should be placed before the people of Bengal: are they ready to have their identity changed?"

Sheikh Mujib's demand was ignored. Bangladesh began to be called East Pakistan by the rulers.

Years later, after his release from the so - called Agartalas case, Sheikh Mujib took the first step toward doing away with the misdeed imposed on his people.

On 5 December 1969, he said, "At one time, attempts were made to wipe out all traces of Bengali history and aspirations. Except for the Bay of Bengal, the term Bengal is not seen anywhere. On behalf of the people of Bengal, I am announcing today that henceforth the eastern province of Pakistan will, instead of being called East Pakistan, be known as Bangladesh."

Sheikh Mujib's revolution was not merely directed at the achievement of political freedom. Once the Bengali nation - state was established, it become his goal to carry through programmes geared to the achievement of national economic welfare. The end of exploitation was one underlying principle of his programme, which he called the Second Revolution.

While there are many who admit today that Gandhi was the founder of the non - violent non - cooperation movement, they believe it was an effective use of that principle which enabled Sheikh Mujib to create history.

Mujib's politics was a natural follow - up to the struggle and movements of Bengal's mystics, its religious preachers, Titumir's crusade, the Indigo Revolt, Gandhiji's non - cooperation, and Subhash Chandra Bose's armed attempt for freedom. The secularism of Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, the liberal democratic politics of Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Haque and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy Contributed to the molding of the Mujib character.

He was committed to public welfare. Emerging free of the limitations of western democracy, he wished to see democracy sustain Bengali nationalism. It was this dream that led to the rise of his ideology.

At the United Nations, he was the first man to speak of his dreams, his people's aspiration, in Bangla.

The language was, in that swift stroke of politics, recognized by the global community. For the first time after Rabindranath Tagore's Nobel achievement in 1913, Bangla was put on a position of dignity.

The multifaceted life to the great man cannot be put together in language or colour. The reason is put on, Mujib is greater than his creation. It is not possible to hold within the confines of the frame the picture of such greatness.

He is our emancipation - today and tomorrow. The greatest treasure of the Bengali nation is preservation of his heritage, a defense of his legacy. He has conquered death. His memory is our passage to the days that are to be.

Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury
London, 20 December, 1994

Copyright © 1999. All Rights Reserved By Mozahed Alam

BANGLADESH NEEDS A HERO

2008-05-19T04:22:00.005+01:00

A Hero is needed immediately for the post of the leader of the People's Republic of Bangladesh...

FREEDOM OF SPEECH/EXPRESSION IS NOT ABSOLUTE

2008-04-19T01:06:00.013+01:00

The debate is based on the importance of freedom of expression/speech and the valuable characteristic of western society. Arguments are produced in the debate to support the view that media has to be at liberty to publish what they want. Blackstone and Gibbon’s view is that liberty of press is indeed essential to the nature of a free state and every free man has undoubted right to place what sentiments he pleases before the public. Also that media has come to play a significant part with regard to the need for political choice being justified. Therefore, argument in favour of defence of press freedom rests almost entirely on interests of community not individual.

To ensure that everyone is treated equally regardless of their race, colour, nationality, ethnic origin and religion, racially offensive behaviour must not be tolerated. Unacceptable offensive racialist expression might include: making a racially abusive comment in a public place e.g. shops, workplace, public transport etc and also offensive racist comments in a newspaper or other publications.

Don’t we really need a world (society) where we tolerate one another’s views and opinions?

Without individual freedom of expression, lifestyle and liberty, general welfare of a society is not possible. There is only one purpose for which law can be used against a citizen is to prevention of harm to other citizens (Mill’s “no harm principle”) and the idea that there is no area which law cannot touch whether private or public (Devline’s idea).
The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (subject to certain restrictions) adopted in 1948. Also the European Convention on Human Rights and the1998 Human Rights Act U.K. declares freedom of expression with a number of limitations.
It is an offence of inciting hatred against persons on the ground of their religion.

There is a line to be drawn between the right to freedom of expression as balanced against the need for members of all communities not to experience racism and differential treatment in their everyday lives.

The issues of free expression today are significantly different from the issues that tackled by Justice Holmes in Abrams v. United States in 1919. People who blindly support the action of the media and press forget that the idea of freedom of expression develops and extends as history progresses.

Should a person be allowed to express something which makes another person racially or religiously offended, insulted, humiliated or intimidated? My answer is ‘no’.

A person’s sense of morality lessens when his or her freedom increases. Law is to lessen harmful freedom of this person against the society.

Who knows!

2008-04-04T04:03:00.005+01:00

Do you know that we can do much much better to stand before the world with pride, progress and prosperity?

Just need to be aware of:

"I am the mountain, I stay & remember".

Time to wake up!

2008-04-04T03:07:00.002+01:00

"...and how many times can a man turn his head And pretend that he just doesn’t see...
...and how many ears must one man have Before he can hear people cry...
...and how many deaths will it take till he knows That too many people have died".

Bob Dylan.

Proclaim Hero - Proclaim: My head is held ever towering...

2008-04-02T05:56:00.007+01:00

I sing the song of equality, in unison

2008-04-02T05:51:00.002+01:00

The new-born is here, we'll have to make room for it

2008-04-02T04:17:00.001+01:00